with effects so unfavourable to the progress of society, and the advancement of true religion.

Cromwell determined to check this domineering spirit of intolerance and bigotry. After some vain attempts, by means of his peculiar logic, to draw them from the strong-holds of their system, he disarmed them of the power which they had so long employed in teasing one another, and disturbing the public peace. He granted to them individually full permission to perform the duties of parochial clergymen, and even connived at the practice of the resolutioners of praying for the king; but he resolutely prohibited them from holding an assembly, or from meeting anywhere in such numbers as might attract the notice of the government. On the 20th of July, 1653, an attempt was made to resume ecclesiastical business at the usual place of meeting in Edinburgh. After sermon and prayer the moderator began to call the roll, when there "comes in two lovetennant-colonells of the English forces, and desired them to be silent, for they had something to speak to them." One of the officers demanded by what authority they met "if by the authority of the late parliament (the Rump), or by authority of the commander-in-chief of the forces, or if by authority of their late king?" The moderator, not being prepared with an immediate answer, offered to repeat the names on the list, that their military visiters might know who were present. But the colonel, finding the roll-call rather tedious, desired the ministers to rise and begone, or, if they would not, he had instructions, he assured them, to use other means for their removal. Upon this the moderator, in the name of the assembly, protested that they were Christ's court, and that any violence or injury done to them might not hinder any subse quent meeting when a convenient occasion should offer itself. He then asked leave to pray a word before they dissolved. After he had spoken five or

six sentences the English officer desired them again to begone; notwithstanding, the moderator went on in prayer, but was at length forced to break off, when they arose and walked out. All this time there was a company of English footmen in the kirk waiting upon them, and a troop of horsemen at the port. After the ministers were come forth, they were guarded on both sides by the infantry, and conducted out of town, where they were examined as to their names and places of residence by the commanding officer, who discharged them from ever meeting again, under the penalty of being held breakers of the peace. They were, however, allowed to return within the walls, and to occupy their lodgings one night, upon the promise of leaving the city before eight o'clock next morning. It was enjoined them, that "not above two should be seen together, and that they should send their names and their lodging-place to the court of guard that night.”*

In the manner now described was gained for the civil authority a triumph which all the power of the crown in the reigns of James and his son could not have effected. The plea of the moderator that the assembly was "Christ's court," and was therefore not to be questioned by any earthly or temporal jurisdiction, was entirely disregarded by the government of Cromwell. A similar scene took place in Fife about two years afterward, when a party of military officers entered the church and dispersed the assembly; producing no other warrant than a proclamation by General Monk, discharging all public meetings of the clergy.

Not being allowed to meet and dispute on the subjects which divided the two great bodies of the kirk, the ministers became more tolerant in their princi

* Lamont's Diary, p. 69,

ples, or at least more moderate in their conduct. An historian of that period remarks, that as Cromwell's officers knew the "generality of the ministers were for the king upon any terms, therefore they did not permit the General Assembly to sit (and in this, I believe, they did no bad office), for both the authority of that meeting was denied by the protesters, and the assembly seemed to be more set upon establishing themselves than promoting religion. And I verily believe there were more souls converted to Christ in that short period than in any season since the Reformation, though of triple its duration. Nor was there ever greater purity and plenty of the means of grace than was in this time. Congregations met in great multitudes, some dozen of ministers used to preach, and the people continued, as it were, in a sort of trance, for three days at least. So, truly, religion was at that time in very good case, and the Lord present in Scotland, though in a cloud."*

There is no doubt that the government of Cromwell was, upon the whole, propitious to the quiet and improvement of North Britain. Unlike his conquest of Ireland, which was accompanied and followed by unmixed evil, the success of his arms in the former country checked the current of civil discord, imposed restrictions on the angry passions of the two rival factions, reduced the power of the feudal lords, improved the administration of justice, and replaced the influence of the spiritual estate within its proper limits. So miserable, indeed, was the condition of Scotland at that period, that hardly any change could have been for the worse; and assuredly the circumstances of a people must be wretched in the extreme, when they are found to ascribe the return of happiness to the successful

*Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 54, 55.

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invasion of an ancient enemy, and to date the commencement of their prosperity at an epoch when they were under the severe administration of a military government.

*

CHAPTER III.

From the Battle of Worcester till the Dissolution of the Long Parliament.

THE Victory gained by the arms of the commonwealth at Worcester added fuel to the flame of ambition which was already kindled in the breast of Cromwell. His chaplain, Hugh Peters, is said to have observed such a change in the tone of his mind and manners, as to justify the prediction that he would attempt to make himself king. Some authors have stated, that he even proceeded so far as to proffer the honour of knighthood on the field of battle, and that he was with difficulty restrained from exercising, at the period in question, other similar attributes of the royal prerogative.

Upon his return to London, he found himself treated with the respect and deference which were usually confined to crowned heads. He had as

Among the numerous reforms introduced by Cromwell was a new constitution given to the Court of Session, a bench which had become so excessively corrupt that it became a common saying that no rich man incurred any hazard of losing his cause there. At first the new judges were all English. Afterward two or three Scots were added, that they might explain the local practices and customs which were involved in the suits to be tried, The Scots were surprised at the impartiality of the decisions which were pronounced by the reformed judicatory. Long afterward, Dalrymple, who was president of the Court of Session, is said to have confessed publicly, that he could never get over the natural partiality to "kith, kin, and ally ;" and being reminded of the unbiased conduct of the judges under Cromwell. he replied, “Deil thank them! a wheen kinless lowns."-Godwin, and Tales of a Grandfather.

signed for his residence a palace formerly occupied by the monarchs of England; and in petitions, as well as in official communications, addressed to him both by the army and civilians, his ears were saluted with a loftier adulation than was ever lavished upon the descendant of a hundred legitimate sovereigns. The ministers of Newcastle make their humble addresses to his "godly wisdom," and submit their "suits to God and his excellency."

But the parliament, while they heaped rewards upon their victorious general, were not less resolved to retain the supreme power than he was to seize upon it. During his absence in Ireland and Scotland, whither he was accompanied by the more influential of his officers, their authority had acquired a great degree of consolidation; while the success which attended their fleets and armies gave to their administration a high air of popularity at home, and secured for it the respect of all the neighbouring kingdoms abroad.

It therefore became the leading object of Cromwell's policy to lower the power of the parliament, and to limit its duration. On the second day, accordingly, after he had resumed his seat, he reminded the legislature of two measures, long before submitted to their consideration, namely, an act of oblivion or amnesty in behalf of those who had been engaged in the civil war, and the expediency of fixing a period for their own dissolution. He succeeded in obtaining a vote of the House on both these subjects. It was resolved, that all political offences committed before the battle of Worcester should be forgiven, with the exception of certain cases, which seemed to demand the visitation of public justice; a decision which relieved the royalists from the apprehension of further penalties, and would thereby, it was imagined, add not a little to the extent of Cromwell's influence, and increase the number of his personal friends. The other question was not determined without a succession