of the commanding influence which they had exercised since the period of the Self-denying Ordinance. "We were bold to tell them that none of that judgment-the Presbyterian-who had deserted this cause and interest, should have any power therein. We did think we should profess it, we had as good deliver up our cause into the hands of any, as into the hands of such as had deserted us or were as neuters; for it is one thing to love a brother, to bear with and love another in matters of religion, and another thing to have anybody so far set in the saddle as to command all the rest of his brethren up against him." In short, it is manifest that Cromwell and his military council had discovered that the "statesmen," as they were called in contradistinction to the army, were fast becoming adepts in that shrewd policy of which they themselves had supplied so many examples. Had the bill for dissolution passed, and the elective franchise been restored to full operation throughout the kingdom, the general could not have opposed the scheme of his adversaries without rousing the indignation of the people, and subjecting himself to the charge of attacking their liberties. By interposing his authority at the moment which he selected, he limited the dispute to a body of men who, on various accounts, had ceased to be popular, and thereby exemplified once more his great political wisdom, or his uncommonly good fortune. Thus fell the celebrated parliament which conducted with so much ability the arduous struggle of the civil war; maintained the honour of their country abroad; and, by their victories at sea, paved the way for the transcendent power and fame to which Cromwell afterward attained. In the course of twelve years, indeed, they had attacked as well as defended the liberties of their countrymen; for it cannot be denied that, while advocating the abstract principles of freedom, they not unfrequently sanctioned mea sures quite inconsistent with the practical enjoyment of civil rights. Among them were a few patriots who really loved their native land, and consulted to the best of their ability for its highest interests, both during the hot contentions which accompanied the war, and also in the settlement of the government, when their enemies were compelled to lay down their arms. But there were others who forgot the commonwealth in the pursuit of their individual fortunes; and hence the suspicion which justly attached to the latter class had been so generally extended to the whole, that when they were turned out by the bayonets of Cromwell, no voice was heard either to pity or condole. The members of the Long Parliament were seen skulking to their houses as if their exertions in the public cause had never excited either hope or fear in the breast of an Englishman. They were even pursued by ridicule and contempt. Hardly were they concealed in their dwellings, when the army and navy addressed the lord-general, declaring that they would live or die, stand or fall, in support of his measures; while the fanatics in every part of the country, satisfied that the reign of the saints was about to commence, chanted hymns of triumph over their fall. They magnified the name of the Lord, who had broken the mighty and cast the proud down to the ground; they hailed the approach of the fifth monarchy, the kingdom of Christ, which they hoped was about to be established in the renovated commonwealth.* *The following letter shows the feeling which prevailed in certain quarters. It is entitled "the Humble and Thankful Congratulation of some that fear the Lord in the county of Hereford, who are the smallest and unworthiest in the nation. "After so many throes and pangs-severe contests between the powers of the world and the interest of Christ- we conceive the great and longdesired reformation is near the birth. We bless the God of heaven who hath called you forth and ledd you on, not only in the high places of the ffield, making you a terror to the enemy, but also (among those mighty ones whom God hath left) to the dissolving of the late parliament. "O, my lord, what are you that you should be the instrument to trans Two days after he had dispersed the parliament, Cromwell and his officers issued a declaration, explaining to the public at large the motives which had prompted them to that proceeding. They spoke with much bitterness against the bill which had been on the point of passing into a law for the dissolution of parliament, and which they represented as an attempt to perpetuate the power of the nation in the hands of a few individuals, under pretence of giving to the people an opportunity of electing members for the vacant counties. They stated that it was their wish to devolve the supreme authority for a time upon persons of integrity and piety; but that having in vain tried every argument to induce the legislature to enter into their views, the army had at length found themselves under the necessity of executing the measures with a strong hand, and of dismissing that assembly. late the nation from oppression to libertie, from the hands of corrupt per. sons to the saints! And who are we that we should live to see these days which our fathers longed to see, and reap the harvest of their hopes! To be lowe in our owne eyes, when God lifteth us, is a true testimonie of humility and uprightnesse. No action of service or honour ever swelled the bosom of Christ him, we believe, you make your patterne. "Let the high praises of God be in our mouths, and the generations to come tell of his wonders. Let the improvement of this opportunity be your care and our prayer, that you may follow the Lambe whithersoever he goeth, and we attend you with our persons, petitions, purses, lives, and all that is dear to us." Signed by thirteen "in the name of many more." The expectations of the royalists were likewise excited, but, of course, towards a different object. An amusing ballad, published at the time, records the demise of the Rump in very appropriate language, and states, among other things, the following opinion: "Some think that Cromwell with Charles is agreed, And say 'twere good policy if it were so, Lest the Hollander, French, the Dane, and the Swede "And now I would gladly conclude my song ELLIS's Original Letters, 2d Series. On the last day of April a declaration appeared in the name of Cromwell alone, as captain-general of the forces, giving notice that a council of state would be appointed, to watch over the peace and safety of the commonwealth, and to superintend the present management of public affairs. He appears to have reserved to himself the privilege of nominating the counsellors, whose number amounted to thirteen. Nine were selected from the military, to whom were added four civilians, Strictland, Pickering, Carew, and Moyer. A considerable difference of opinion had indeed prevailed as to the proper number of members of which this deliberative body should consist. Some proposed that it should be limited to ten; others, particularly Harrison, recommended seventy, after the model of the Jewish Sanhedrim; while a third party voted for thirteen, in imitation of Christ and his twelve apostles. This last number was adopted as equally scriptural and more convenient. Sir Henry Vane, even after the insults inflicted upon him on the 20th of April, is said to have been offered a seat in this select council; but he replied, that though the reign of the saints was begun, he would defer his share in it till he should go to heaven.* He At this period the whole power of England, and, we may add, of Scotland and Ireland, was in the hands of one man, who was, a few years before, a private citizen in an obscure country town. had, by a formal array of judicial proceedings, taken away the life of the king; succeeded by other means in putting an end to the House of Lords; and more recently driven from their post, under dread of military execution, the representatives of the people, the sole remaining branch of the government. But, bold and ambitious as he was, he felt that the ground which he had occupied was not sufficiently firm to *Thurlow, vol. i. p. 265. support the edifice which he meant to erect upon it. The great majority of the nation was against him The royalists, who looked on with satisfaction while he was employed in scattering their old enemies at Westminster, would not have consented to sacrifice the claims of Charles; the Presbyterians, whom he had declared he would not admit into the parliament, were decidedly hostile to his pretensions as the permanent head of the government; and the republican party in the army, the most formidable of all his opponents, were determined to turn their swords against him, should he presume to seat himself on the vacant throne. Every consideration, therefore, connected with the perilous predicament in which he was now placed, induced him to temporize. We are accordingly informed that, a few days after he had effaced the civil authority, he sent for Major Salloway and Carew, to whom he complained of the great weight of affairs which had fallen upon him, in consequence of the measures which he had been compelled to adopt towards the parliament; affirming, that the thoughts of the awful consequences thereof made him tremble; and therefore desired them to free him from the temptation which might be laid before him; and for that purpose to go immediately to the chief-justice St. John, Mr. Selden, and some others, and endeavour to persuade them to draw up some instrument of government which might take the power out of his hands. To this Major Salloway replied, with great simplicity, "The way, sir, to free you from this temptation is for you not to look upon yourself to be under it, but to rest persuaded that the power of the nation is in the good people of England, as formerly it was.” Cromwell, perceiving by this answer that he was better understood than he could have wished, fell upon another expedient before he would openly discover himself; appointing a meeting of the chief officers of the army |