It may be remarked here that a strong and growing sentiment has been developed in the Northern States in late years, which has found emphatic expression in every political platform and in divers other public deliverances, in favor of restricting immigration to this country from Europe, for the avowed reason that we have admitted strangers too freely already, and are threatened with being overwhelmed by a flood of foreigners, aliens in thought and manner—a peonegotiated after three years' delay and submitted to the Senate with a flourish, contained provisions which would have left the door wide open to the influx of Chinese. It prohibited the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States during a period of twenty years, but said nothing regarding the coming back of Chinese laborers who have left the United States with return certificates. This was precisely the point at which the greatest dangers and abuses arose under the former treaty. These certificates were sold in large numbers in China, and the difficulty of distinguishing between Mongolians made their transfer easy. Then, too, where a Chinese laborer claimed to have lost his certificate, he was allowed to enter on proof that he had had one. In both cases Chinese perjury was too much for American law, and the immigrants were sworn through in shoals. It is obvious that this could have gone on for a long period under the treaty as negotiated.

The Senate, however, made two amendments, one prohibiting the return of Chinese laborers who are not now in the United States, whether holding certificates under existing laws or not; and the other providing that no Chinese laborer, of the class permitted to return under the new treaty, viz. those having lawful wives, children or parents in the United States, or property therein of the value of $1000, or debts of like amount due and pending settlement, shall be permitted to enter the United States by land or sea without producing to the proper officer of the customs the return certificate required. In other words, after the treaty, as amended by the Senate, has been ratified, even such Chinese labo

ple different from ourselves. Yet these immigrants are white people, and their children cannot be distinguished from our own. Would a tide of black immigration be welcomed to-day in any Northern or Western State, or Territory? Would it have been permitted in any recent year, whether the immigrants came from Africa or the West Indies or elsewhere, and were never so well educated or wealthy? And if not, why not?

Does any man believe, again, that, if the Negroes who are here numbered as many thousands only as they now number millions,-our rers as have left the country with certificates will not be permitted to return except under the conditions named, and oral testimony will not be accepted in lieu of a certificate. By an inadvertence, the bill pa-sed to put the provisions of the treaty in force, immediately upon its ra ification, repealed the former restriction laws from the date of its passage, wi hout allowing for the time it would take to get the assent of the Chinese Government to the Senate amendments to the treaty. This error was at once detected, and Mr. Morrow, a Republican member of the House, was ready with an amendment making the repealing clause take effect upon the ratification of the treaty. The Democrats delayed action upon this in the hope of getting some small shred of party capital out of the Chinese question, but it was finally adopted, and the bill passed the House without division.

Senator Stewart, of Nevada, showed the other day that it was the amendment of Mr. Conness, a Republican Senator, to the Burlingame Treaty which prevented the naturalization of Chinese. If this amendment had not been adop ed, Senator Stewart says and no doubt truly, "the Chinese question would be to-day one of the most momentous questions ever presented to the American people." Once armed with votes, the Chinese would have become a powerful element. Politicians would have truckled to them. Their exclusion would have been almost an impossibility, and their presence might easily have become a National, instead of a local, scourge.-Editorial New York Tribune, Aug. 27, 1888.

knowledge of them and of the effects of their presence remaining what it is-there would be any question or hesitation as to the disposition presently to be made of them? If there were but 7000 of them in the country, anywhere, and these few had occasioned such heartburnings and divisions and conflicts as we have had since the war only, and are having now, and are certain to have in the near future, would they not be expelled somehow, sent somewhere, anywhere, before another year had passed? Suppose they had come from Mexico, instead of from Africa, in the first instance; is there any question that the whole race would have recrossed the Rio Grande before now, though double their present number?

Or, if they could not be expelled, would not they be gathered together on some Reservation set apart for them, where they would be left to themselves, and kept to themselves for all time? If it were practicable now to collect them in this way, would not all that are here be collected and given a place to themselves?

And why has this proposition never been seriously offered and entertained? Is it not because the people of the United States would not consent to surrender any part of their territory to be devoted to such purpose,-the exclusive and permanent occupation of the Negro and colored population? Would not the people of any State, or Territory, however few in number, or remote from the centers of population, resent the prop

osition, if made with regard to the soil they oc cupy, and resist it by every means in their power? Would not the presence of the race in such selected Territory be enough to drive out the last white settler; and would not the rapid increase of the race within such limits be viewed with anxiety for its future results, by the whole. nation? Or, finally, if the Negro were now confined to one Southern State, our knowledge and experience of him remaining the same, would any other Southern State invite his presence, or tolerate it, if his coming were conditioned upon full and free citizenship to be accorded to him? or on any other terms? Would any Northern State?

Instead of being confined to one State, or Territory, or Reservation, the race is scattered throughout nearly half the Union. Instead of 7000, they number 7,000,000; and are increasing rapidly. We cannot assign them a separate place among us. The seven millions will become seventy millions in a very few more decades, if their former rate of increase shall be maintained. The problem begins to press urgently for a solution.

The removal of the Negro from our country to his own country-from America to Africaalone will solve it. Let him go in peace, if he will, bearing with him and followed by such. substantial evidences of our kindly regard and brotherly love as will atone for the manner of his coming. But, in any event, let him go!

IX.

RECKONINGS OF NUMBERS.

"IT is desirable enough to get rid of the Negro; we can all agree to that proposition,' will it be said? "But it is impracticable."

Ah, if we were but so agreed; if "impracticability" were the only objection! Grant all the rest, or the material substance of it, and the arithmetic will serve us where the Constitution and the sword have alike failed. If we can only agree that the races should be separated-that the Negro should be removed from America, if practicable-these pages have not been written in vain. There will be then a plainer course ahead of us than we have ever had before, on this question, or any other of approximate importance.

But, seven millions of people! Remove all these! It is the extreme of folly and extravagance to offer such a proposition!" Let us see. The question now is one of ways and means, of practicability only, and we may deal with it accordingly. Figures express no feeling; but let not their use in this instance be construed as an evidence of unfeelingness.

Take the proposition in its most formidable shape the exportation in a few years, of the