al colors, but on the sixth of August, 1837, the Neapolitan troops, led by the minister of police, Del Carretto, obtained possession of the revolted city, and exercised severe retribution. Sicilians were excluded from all public employments; even the works that circulated in Naples were interdicted the island. Another deep source of discontent had its origin in the efforts made by the Neapolitan government to introduce into Sicily the French Code Civil, which had survived in Naples the ephemeral rule of Joseph Bonaparte and of Murat. The barons all leagued against this innovation.

with the Bourbon family after the Spanish line expired, have they ever lost the tradition of a national parliament. Under the stern rule of Philip II.-against the leveling arts of Charles III.-they maintained their baronial assemblies; and when the feudal system fell, those medieval forms were modified in a constitution still embodying the aristocratic principle, which, established under the care of a great, and as they fondly believed, a kindred nation, was recognized by the laws of 1816, and though arbitrarily dissolved and suspended ever since, has not lost its legitimate force, nor died in the remembrance or the affections of the people."

A fresh revolt took place at Messina in 1847, and it was suppressed only to break Under the pressure of the moment the out with fresh vehemence the next year. king issued a new constitution, incorporatOn the king's birthday, 1848, Palermo ing Sicily and Naples in one common parsent forth a combatant from almost every liament. To this arrangement, however, house. The convent-gates were thrown the Sicilians would not consent, although open, and even the Capuchins distributed it was warmly advocated by Lord Palarms and ammunition. Ten thousand merston himself as being most suitable to peasants joined the populace, and the Neapolitan troops, overpowered, were obliged to evacuate the city. The rebels were equally successful at Messina and at the other large towns. A provisional government was formed, headed by Ruggiero Settimo, an officer of high standing, and by the Duke of Serra-di-falco, distinguished as a scholar and an antiquary.

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It happened that, at this crisis, Lord Minto was in Italy upon a mission from Lord Palmerston, to encourage and direct, so far as possible, the liberal movements then in progress. His mediation was earnestly requested both by the King of Naples and by the Sicilians themselves, who demanded the reëstablishment of the constitution of 1812, originated by Lord Bentinck. Their feelings are well expressed in a dispatch from Lord Napier to the Foreign Secretary. "There is," he observes, a strong root of separate nationality in Sicily. The history of that country diverges in many epochs and in many particulars from that of Naples; and, thanks to the protection and ascendency of Great Britain, it did not even in the general catastrophe fall under the conquest of a foreign power, but even preserved to its legitimate sovereign who, by the advice of Great Britain, confirmed and improved the ancient institutions of the island in the parliament of 1812. The Sicilians assert with pride, that neither when attached to the vast dominion of ancient Spain, nor when incorporated

the actual state of Europe. "Sicily," as he well observed, although a fine island, full of natural resources, and inhabited by a highly-gifted people, is nevertheless not large enough to be in the present state of the world a really independent country; and were it entirely separated from Naples, it would soon run the risk of becoming an object of contest for foreign influence, and of sinking at last into the condition of satellite to some of the more powerful states of Europe." Acting upon these instructions, Lord Minto labored to reconcile the Sicilians to the proffered constitution, at the same time assuring the Neapolitan king, that should they insist on their separate and national parliament, always recognized by Great Britain, it must necessarily be conceded to them. As the Sicilians were now triumphant, the king, finding them determined on this head, promised compliance. Unfortunately, a vital difficulty still remained. The Sicilians, aware that their liberties never could be safe while the island was full of Neapolitan troops, demanded that they should be withdrawn; but to this the king refused his consent, not without insinuating that it was with the view of ultimately possessing herself of the island that England supported them in this demand.

The Sicilian parliament had been summoned by the provisional government when the French Republic was proclaimed in February, and came, as French

writers avow, to precipitate events. The ters. It is notorious that, under the rule Sicilian parliament met amidst the great- of the Bourbons, and with a police comest enthusiasm of the people, and solemn- posed of the vilest of mankind, who never ly decreed the deposition from the throne hesitate to make false accusations, and to of Ferdinand de Bourbon and his dynasty, suborn others to bear false witness, in orwith the object, so soon as their constitu- der to criminate individuals obnoxious to tion should be adapted to the wants of government, and with a corrupt judicial the age, to call to the throne some other administration, no security whatever has Italian prince. The British government, existed for any one, whilst it is now well at this crisis, formally recognized the in- known, from responsible witnesses, that dependence of Sicily, and, curiously the most grievous crimes that ever sullied enough, advised the Sardinian court a Christian government have been comthat, should the Duke of Genoa accept mitted under the ægis of the law. the crown offered to him, his claim would be acknowledged by Great Britain. This proposed arrangement had no issue. Ferdinand had been able to amass an army of twenty-four thousand men, which he dispatched in September of the same year, under General Filangieri, Prince of Satriano, to reduce the island. It is remarkable that, upon this occasion, Garibaldi, although invited by the Sicilians, refused to act, because, he said, their cause was not that of Italy. Messina was bombarded and taken by storm after a frightful struggle. Catania and Taorminia exhibited an equal amount of ineffectual courage and patriotism. Unable to witness the horrors that ensued, the English and French admirals imperatively enforced a cessation of hostilities, while the ministers of those nations repaired to Gaeta, and endeavored to obtain terms for the rebels from the king. Ferdinand acceded so far as granting a separate legislature, but, as the island was to be once more occupied by Neapolitan troops, the Sicilians, having no confidence in the king's promises, refused to accept the proffered conditions. The consequence was that hostilities were recommenced, and, by the assistance of several Swiss regiments, Filangieri, after three days' gallant resistance on the part of the inhabitants, obtained possession of Palermo.

With a reactionary government on the one hand-maintained by force alone and, on the other, a people profoundly detesting their oppressors, and ready to seize the first opportunity to throw off the yoke, insurrections have been constant. On the twenty-seventh of January, 1850, a popular movement took place at Palermo. It was put down, and Filangieri had six citizens seized-it is declared perfectly innocent men- and shot the same evening. "The notoriety of the fact," says Mr. Bartlett, "places this assassination at the head of all the crimes of the Neapolitan government in Sicily." No wonder that Sicily should have be come a desert! One of the latest writers, who describes a visit to this unhappy island, exclaims, "Certainly that saying of the Scripture has been accurately fulfilled in Sicily, 'The inhabitants of the villages ceased,' (Judg. 5:7;) and I believe from the same cause as that which prevailed in the Holy Land at the time alluded to-namely, insecurity."* "It is a strange and touching fact," remarks also a lady traveler in the same persecuted country, "that every peasant's song in Sicily is in the minor key. One never hears an exception; and their voices are so sonorous, subdued, and patient, that the sound comes forth like that of a soul complaining to itself of something it is determined to bear."

From that moment, regarding the island as virtually conquered, all former stipula- No wonder, either, that the Sicilians tions were cast aside, and the reign of should have hailed the living representadespotism was fully established. The con- tive of an idea, possibly incapable of destitution was suspended, and has ever velopment - a united Italy the muchsince remained so till Garibaldi landed as abused, the well-decried, and yet the a liberator. New burdens were imposed; ever-heroic Garibaldi, and that its people worse than all, although an amnesty was, should have gathered round his standard. as usual, proclaimed, it is believed, Mr. There was something indescribably simBartlett says, that as many as fifteen hun-ple, and yet eloquent in its very simplicidred persons were either shot or immured

in dungeons, after the fashion of poor *A Ride in Sicily. By Oxoniensis. LongPierio, described in Mr. Gladstone's let-man & Co.

VOL. L.-No. 1

ty, in the landing of the liberator. By a on Calata-Fimi. The Neapolitans, three curious coïncidence, two English men-of-thousand five hundred in number, under war brought up off Marsala on the morn- the orders of Landi, are described as having of the eleventh of May. Two Neapo- ing occupied five most advantageous posilitan steamers accompanied them, it is tions at Monte di Pianto Romano. They surmised to watch their proceedings, but were, however, driven from their positions stood on. Hardly were the latter out of with the loss of a mountain-gun, and of sight, when two other steamers were seen many men wounded and killed. This was coming in from seaward with Sardinian on the fifteenth of May. On the sixteenth, colors. Both made straight for the mole; the next day, Landi evacuated Calataone of them unfortunately grounding Fimi, and his troops are said to have sufabout a hundred yards short of the mole- fered further losses at Partenico and head. The landing forthwith commenced, Borghetto, having been harassed by the and the liberators "walked up in small insurgents on their retreat. On the sevenparties to the town, as leisurely as a party teenth, the patriots reached Alcamo withof English yachtsmen from Malta." Boats out opposition, continuing their march ran alongside the steamer aground, and the next day by Partenico on Palermo; the men went down the ladder in perfect but on the nineteenth it rained so heavily order. But, in the mean time, the two that they were forced to remain inactive. Neapolitan steamers had made their appearance cleared for action, and joined by a large sailing frigate, which came down with a strong breeze. One of the steamers bore up to the port, and was within easy range of her guns before half the men were out of the vessel aground, but, for some reason, did not open fire till they were all formed and marching into the town.

The number of men that landed with Garibaldi is described as about fourteen hundred in number, fine men, and some of them wearing the English Crimean medal. The nearest Neapolitan troops were stationed at Trapani, and numbered nine hundred; but when the news of the successful landing having been effected reached Palermo, a column was at once pushed forward along the highway between that city and Marsala as far as to the hights of Calata - Fimi, which, with Alcamo on the same road, retains in its name reminiscences of the times of the Saracens.

On the twentieth, Garibaldi began a series of movements, which ended in the occupation of the city of Palermo. These movements were, in the first place, directed on Poppio, (the Passo di Rendo, the narrow gorge between Alcamo and Monreale having been left undefended,) with the view of enticing the royal forces from the Saint Denis of Sicily. The artillery had to be carried by hand during these movements on the slopes of the rugged mountains which encircle the plain of Palermo, amidst torrents of rain and through horrible paths. By the twentyfifth, Garibaldi had gained a position near Corleone, which enabled him to give battle to the royalists with the advantage of his guns in position, whilst a flank movement directed on Parco kept the enemy in check in that direction. The results of these operations were the occupation of Monreale, and of the whole slope of the range of hills which encircle the plain of Palermo. The insurgents even made their way to Misilmiri, which they reached at midnight. Parco was burnt by the royalists on their expulsion from that position.

Garibaldi left Marsala for Salemi at five in the morning of the twelfth. He was joined on his way by several large bands under Coppola del Monte, Baron The watch-fires of the patriots were Bant Anna, and others. At Salemi the seen burning that night from Palermo on insurgents were received with open arms, the hights all around the plain, and on and their leader issued a proclamation, in the memorable twenty-seventh they adwhich he assumed, in the name of Victor vanced to the assault of the city. The Emmanuel, "king of Italy," the dictator- populace aided the liberators by casting ship of Sicily. This was dated May four-down furniture and missiles of all descripteenth. On the fifteenth, Garibaldi, now strongly reënforced by large numbers of well-armed mountaineers and people, from the neighboring towns, making the insurgents some four thousand strong, marched

tions on their oppressors. Step by step the Neapolitans had to retire, covered by the guns from the forts and the shipping; and step by step the principal streets, the custom-house, and the royal palace, (with