ister. At last Richelieu crushed his am bition with indignant scorn. From that day he swore the death of the minister. He had only to look around to find ac complices in every rank. He became the nucleus of a wide-spreading conspiracy, at the head of which was the Queen, supported by the Dukes of Orleans and Bouillon. The King himself seemed to desire the death of the tyrant; he repeated that he wished to get rid of him-s'en défaire"-though he objected to the assassination of a priest. The connecting link, and, from his high character and attainments, one of the chief members of this plot, was François Auguste de Thou, the son of the great Thuanus. The object of the conspiracy was, that after the King's death, which could not be distant, the regency should be assumed by Anne of Austria. For this purpose it was necessary to kill the Cardinal; for it was known that he had the will, and it was believed that he had the power, to prevent it. The governors of the provinces and of the fortresses, and the commanders of the armies, were his creatures, or at least his friends: they might not be able to prevent his assassination, but they would avenge it. Foreign aid was therefore called in; and Fontrailles, a cousin and friend of Cinq Mars, concluded, in the names of Gaston, Duke of Orleans, the Duc de Bouillon, and Cinq Mars, a treaty with Olivarès, by which Spain engaged to invade France immediately with twelve thousand infantry, and five thousand cavalry, Spanish or German veterans, and to place in the hands of Gaston all the fortresses that should be taken. The declared purpose of it was to force a peace between the two crowns. The true one was to make the Queen and her party the real governors of France. Whether M. de Thou was ever cognizant of the details of this treaty is a question; that he knew of its existence, and disapproved of it, is certain. He was of a legal, not a military family; and at this time foreign intervention was always courted by the military factions, and disclaimed by the legal ones; but his affection for the Queen, his love for her favorite Mme. de Guémenée, and his patriotic desire for peace, to which the Cardinal seemed the only obstacle, blinded him to the treasonableness of the domestic part of the conspiracy, though not to its foreign portion. Such was the state of affairs when, on the twenty-fifth of January, 1642, the King and the Cardinal left Paris to conduct the siege of Perpignan. France was exhausted by her long warfare; she could supply neither money nor men. Richelieu was obliged to diminish the taxes, and to exchange the offensive for the defensive in all points save one. All forces were to be directed towards the Pyrenees. In his own words, he resolved to "strike no longer at the members, but at the heart of the enemy." Perpignan won, he expected Louis XIII. to cross the Pyrenees, enter Barcelona in state, and proceed to dictate peace at Saragossa. Richelieu's retinue was more numerous and splendid than that of his sovereign, whom he followed at the distance of a day's journey; for the same resting-place could not accommodate both. From time to time they met in the large towns. On each occasion Richelieu observed the decrease of his own favor and the increase of that of Cinq Mars. More than once the project for the assassination was on the point of completion, but the hand of the favorite trembled. At Narbonne Richelieu's nerves fairly gave way. He declared himself too ill to go further. The King, accompanied by Cinq Mars, joined the camp on the twenty-second of April. Many weeks were passed by the Cardinal in mortal suspense; but he had a powerful ally at court in the person of Cinq Mars himself, whose triumphant interference, joined to his ignorance and incapacity, wearied out the patience of the King. News of a reverse in Picardy arrived, and Louis XIII. began once more to miss his minister. Richelieu had left Narbonne on the twenty-seventh of May. A few days earlier he dictated (for the abscesses which covered his body and extended to his right arm prevented his writing) a will, in which he bequeathed the Palais Cardinal, (now the Palais Royal,) and a considerable sum from his own privy purse, to the King. He started in a miserable state of mind and body. Once more fortune seemed to have deserted him, and he might expect to linger out his few remaining days in exile. He proceeded slowly towards Tarascon, where he was sure that the governor of Provence would afford him a refuge. He was overtaken, however, by Chavigny, who arrived from the camp with a letter from Louis XIII., asking advice, begging pardon, and concluding with these words: "Whatever false reports may be spread, I am more attached to you than ever; we have lived together too long to be ever separated; and I wish this to be known to the whole world." The King received in return a dispatch which he little expected. It was a copy of the treasonable treaty with Spain. How it fell into the hands of Richelieu may forever remain a mystery. M. Michelet, who, as we have seen, is not blinded by the charms of Anne of Austria, ascribes this treachery to the Queen. It is certain that, of all the conspirators, she alone was unpunished. his terror, he dispatched his creature, the Abbé de la Rivière, with letters to Richelieu, owning his guilt, and offering a complete revelation. The Cardinal answered, that plenary confession had a right to absolution both from God and man. Gaston, overjoyed replied by a detailed accusation of his accomplices. He exaggerated the facts, and even invented imaginary details. In his first panic, he had burnt the original of the treaty with Spain, but he was willing to swear to its contents. Furnished with this important testimony, Richelieu left Tarascon, on the seventeenth of August, for Lyons. A few years back there was exhibited in Pall Mall one of Delaroche's fine small Chavigny found the King at Narbonne, pictures, representing the attenuated form returning ill from the siege. Cinq Mars of the Cardinal, wrapped in his scarlet had imprudently followed his sovereign. robes, (an appropriate livery for the bloody When he saw Chavigny, he became aware work he had in hand,) reclining on a bed of his danger. He put off flight till too in his gorgeous barge, and towing after late. The order for his arrest was extort-him De Thou. The funeral cortège slowly ed from Louis with great difficulty. He attempted to escape, but was discovered hidden in the bed of the wife of a bourgeois; taken, and sent to Montpellier. Orders were sent to the army for the arrest of De Thou, who was conveyed to Tarascon; and at the same time the Duc de Bouillon was seized in Piedmont, and dispatched to Pignerol. Louis XIII. left Narbonne immediately, and proceeded to Tarascon, the scene of his first interview with Richelieu. Once more these two august invalids were in each other's presence; each almost on his death-bed, but each implacable as ever in his resentments; each hating and distrusting, but each necessary to the other. A small bed was placed for the King by the side of that of his minister, who had the generosity and the tact to spare him all reproaches. Louis XIII. in return, laid all the blame upon Cinq Mars, and exhausted himself in expressions of attachment and protestations of fidelity. Too feeble to return to the camp, the King proceeded to Paris, leaving unlimited powers with Richelieu, who remained in the dismal castle of Tarascon, under the same roof with his victim De Thou; who, in the lower vaults, waited in silence unbroken. save by the monotonous roar of the Rhone, to be led out to death. The Duke of Orleans was traveling slowly towards Burgundy, expecting Cinq Mars, when he heard of his arrest. In ascended the river, and did not reach Lyons till the third of September. The trial lasted ten days. As usual the penalty was paid by the inferiors. The Duc de Bouillon escaped by sacrificing Sédan, and Gaston by his base perfidy. However, no persuasions on the part of Richelieu could induce him to confront his associates. Sentence of death was pronounced upon Cinq Mars and De Thou on the twelfth, and executed in the afternoon of the same day. It is said that Louis XIII. drew out his watch at the hour of his favorite's death, and said: "Cher ami doit faire à cette heure-ci une vilaine grimace." The piety, the chivalrous bearing, and the courage of Cinq Mars and De Thou, during the trial and on the scaffold, blinded the world as to their real guilt. A sort of halo of martyrdom was cast around them. Four or five miles above Tours, on one of the finest reaches of the Loire, stands a castle, still perfect, except that its towers end abruptly, without battlements, a few feet above the curtain. This is the château of Cinq Mars, its towers "razées à la hauteur de l'infamie." Richelieu left Lyons for Paris immediately after the trial. He could not bear the motion of a carriage. He performed the journey, which lasted five weeks, either by water or in a magnificent litter, fitted up with red damask, containing his bed, a table, and a chair for an occasional visitor. It was carried by relays of eighteen guards. The walls of cities had to be broken down to admit of its passage, and scaffoldings were erected to raise this vast machine to a level with the apartments which were honored by the occupation of the cardinal-king. On the seventeenth October he reached Paris, was received with almost royal honors, and immediately retired to Ruel. Richelieu had indeed reason to triumph. Every day brought tidings of the success of his vast combinations. In the north, and in the Low Countries, the Spanish army was held in check by the Count d'Harcourt and Marshal Guébriant. The princes of the north of Italy, that beautiful land, whose destiny has long been to be torn in pieces by the pretenders to her favor, rejected the continual oppression and interference of the House from which their country was to suffer so much in future ages, and formed an alliance with Savoy and with France. The allies took Tortona on the twenty-fifth of November, and thus obtained possession of the Milanais south of the Po. The sovereignty of the province was awarded to Prince Thomas of Savoy, who held it in fief from the crown of France. In Germany, Torstenson, the last of the successors of Gustavus, drove the Austrians out of Silesia, and a great part of Moravia; and on the second November was fought a second battle of Leipsic, as glorious to Sweden as the first. Reinforced by Guébriant, the Swedes subdued nearly the whole of Saxony. sart, officers of the Royal Guard. Louis XIII. resisted long, but in vain, with this consolation, that their pretended disgrace would not last long, as the Cardinal's days were numbered. To lookers-on it seemed, however, an even chance which should precede the other to the tomb. The King's health was failing fast; Richelieu by no means despaired of recovery. He returned to Paris, and on the fifteenth of November he gave a dramatic entertainment, at which, however, he was not able to be present. The piece, an allegorical tragicomedy in five acts, was called Europa. In it "Ibère" and "Francion" dispute the hand of the princess "Europa," and it ends with the triumph of "Francion." On the twenty-eighth Richelieu was attacked by a violent fever, and spitting of blood. The symptoms increased. On the second December his life was despaired of. Public prayers were put up in all the churches, and the King had a long confer ence with the minister to whom he owed so much. After asking the King's protection for his family and descendants, he advised him as to his future policy, recommended Mazarin as his successor, and composed with him an act, afterwards registered by the parliament, which, after recapitulating the various conspiracies in which Gaston had been engaged, excluded him forever from any share in the gov ernment or in the regency, in the event of the King's death. After the King's departure, Richelieu asked the physicians how long he had to live. Wishing to flatter him, they replied, that "God would work a miracle sooner than suffer the extinction of one who was so necessary to the welfare of France." His niece, the Duchesse d'Aiguillon, running in, exclaimed: "Sir, you, will not die; a holy woman, a Carmelite nun, has received the revelation." "My dear," he said, "we must laugh at all that; we must believe only in the Gospel ;" and turning to the physician nearest him: "Speak to me," he said, "not as a doctor, but as a friend." "Monseigneur," was the reply, "in twenty-four hours you will be dead or cured." "That is speaking out," said Richelieu; "I understand you." The sacrament was then administered "Here is my judge," he said, consecrated wafer was presented my judge, who will soon promy sentence. May he condemn The war in the Pyrenees, the chief object of Richelieu's solicitude, was brought to a successful termination. Both Rousillon and Catalonia became provinces of France. All this glory and power could not give peace of mind to the dying statesman. Since the execution of Cinq Mars, he felt that the King hated him. He dreaded, not the death which was advancing towards him with giant strides, but the knife of the assassin. Ignorant and yet suspicious of the part taken by the King in the late conspiracy, it was Louis XIII. whom he chiefly feared. On the rare occasions when the King visited him, the apartment was filled by his guards, who retained their arms; an unheard of insult to royalty. He did not yet feel himself to him. safe. He insisted upon the banishment of when the three of the King's favorite attendants - to him Messrs. Tilladet, De la Salle, and Deses-nounce 66 me if, in the course of my ministry, I have had any other aim than the good of the Church and of the State." "Do you forgive your enemies?" said the priest. "I have had none but those of the state," was the reply. The symptoms continued to increase. He bore them with admirable patience and fortitude. He gave way but for an instant, when bidding adieu to his niece, "the being," to use his own words, "whom he had most loved on earth." All around were weeping; for the terrible minister was, by the testimony of his cotemporaries, the best master, kinsman, and friend that ever existed. He preserved the same composure throughout his long agony, which lasted till towards noon on the fourth of December, when, with one deep sigh, his great soul left the wreck of what had been its tenement on earth. The King whose reign he had made glorious, the people whom he had raised to supremacy, alike. were relieved by his death. Richelieu had trampled on his cotemporaries. He could not, therefore, be judged fairly by them. It required the calm estimation of later ages to place him unrivaled as he now stands among statesmen. Since the days of Charlemagne till the advent of Henri IV., France had been retrograding in the scale of civilized nations. The great king died before he could accomplish any effectual reform. Richelieu carried out his projects, and added to them with a firmer hand and a more enlightened capacity. He extended the country to its natural limits by his systematic conquest. He improved the army, created the fleet, encouraged commerce, gave the first impulse to the arts, fixed the language by founding the celebrated Academie Française, protected, literature, and quelled for a time the intolerable tyranny of the nobles. For all these benefits France has to thank him. But such complete changes could not have been made so suddenly without despotism and centralization; and from these evils she is suffering now. It was a system of government dependent on its head; and what head could be found to replace its author? From the London Quarterly Review. DR. LAYCOCK ON MIND AND AND BRAIN." ways is and must be in one direction; only speculation can look all round with an equal glance, precisely because from a central point once attained, so long as it remains mere speculation, it is not forced to depart. Hence, also, all action, while it intensifies the energy, necessarily narrows the sympathy; and by narrowing the sympathy becomes the occasion of imperfect views, that is, of error, in so far as truth is not recognized beyond the line of the actually existing and all-engrossing AMONG the causes of human error, and the sources of controversy, there is none more deeply rooted or more wide in its operation than that which is now familiarly designated by the expressive German word, ONE-SIDEDNESS, (Einseitigkeit.) Our adverse systems of theology, our violent parties in Church and State, our great philosophical, ecclesiastical, and political revolutions, are all the product of moral and intellectual forces acting, under circumstances more or less favorable, in a one-sided direction. Action, indeed, al-energy. One-sidedness, therefore, seems * Mind and Brain; or, The Correlations of Consciousness and Organization. By THOMAS LAYCOCK, M.D., F.R.S.E., Professor of the Practice of Medicine in the University of Edinburgh. Two Vols. Edinburgh: Sutherland and Knox. necessarily a condition of all finite activity. We can propose to ourselves only one end at a time; and while pursuing this end eagerly, we are apt to imagine that it is the only end in the universe worth pursuing, and that all other ends | pioneers of induction have often showed which we find sought after by other be- a one-eyed fixation of glance upon mere ings are either delusions or absurdities. external aspects of nature, from which all From the narrow-mindedness thus engen- largeness of view in reference to compredered there is only one method of escape, hensive mental phenomena was excluded. and that is by the habit of philosophizing; Men like Mr. Buckle, for instance, come a habit which, for practical purposes, may forward with propositions to manufacture be conveniently defined as a habit of look peoples and nations out of mere meadows ing at all things from all sides, and thus and mountains, rushing rivers, stagnant approaching in thought, since we can not canals, rice, roast beef, and potatoes, and in act, nearer to the central position of every thing but SOUL. Soul was not an the Divine Mind, in whom alone all truth external fact to be fingered and measured dwells, all divariations converge, and all and tabulated: therefore your men of incontraries are seen to be only the oppo- duction would have nothing to do with it. site sides of a more rich and varied unity. With them all facts were significant, exOf the one-sided tendencies of the pres- cept the one central fact of which all facts ent age, there is none more notable than are the issue, namely, MIND. In the same the exclusive attention given by a certain way Mr. Darwin, in his recent attempt class of thinkers to the merely material to explain the origin of species, enlarges and external elements of the world, as op- with great ingenuity and eloquence on posed to what is internal, namely, mind; the modifications produced in living structhe human mind in the first place, and the tures by external circumstances, and on Divine Mind, as the great original source the process by which accidental varieties both of all inferior minds and of what we may be transmuted into permanently dif call "matter." This one-sided tendency ferentiated types. But in endeavoring to may be traced to Lord Bacon, and to the give to these external modifying influbuilding up of physical science by induc- ences the dignity of sole efficient causes, tion, of which he propounded the scheme. he shows an incapacity or an unwillingThe author of the Novum Organum un- ness to recognize the one great internal questionably was a great philosopher; cause of all animal life-the Divine Mind, and yet his philosophy, as not being mere which, though concealed from human speculation, but a distinct declaration of view, and beyond the touch of human war against hitherto existing methods, finger, acts in its own central sphere as a was necessarily one-sided. To say that force which modifies on a pre-determined instead of building beautiful theories of plan, far more constantly and potently the system of nature, as Plato does in the than the greatest array of external facts Timaeus, we should set ourselves in the which human arithmetic can calculate. first place to a careful collection of the So it must always be. Inductive science small facts of nature, with the hope ulti- may beat about and about and about, and, mately of attaining to some mastery of its with the help of microscopes and teles great laws, was a wise advice, and has copes, will certainly find many things that proved itself fertile in crop after crop of will make many people stare; but it will the most important practical results. Our never be able to put its finger on that steam-engines, our railways, our galvanic which is before, and above, and beyond batteries, our electric telegraphs, our all induction, namely, the mind of the humeasurements of the moon, our sub-ma- man investigator, with all its innate and rine couriers-all the material and me-ineradicable instincts, and the kindred chanical boast of the age has flowed, and continues to flow, and will flow yet more miraculously, from this one plain practical common-sense advice. But there are other things in the world than steam-engines and spinning-jennies; there is the mind which made them; and with regard to this, we can not honestly say that the Baconian method has hitherto been fertile of any great results. Nay, rather we think it is quite plain that in the region of lofty and serenest speculation, your mind of the Divine Creator, with its exhaustless riches of primordial types, each distinct in its individual completeness, but all the same in their general tendency and in their total effect. Another manifestation of the same onesided regard to the merely external and mechanical is the manner in which some persons talk of nature, and the laws of nature; as if these terms meant or could mean any thing but the grand scheme of the Divine operations, and the method of |