send up your Address, to have a vote for a Bill for the king to commit, without benefit of Habeas Corpus, for three months.

inviolable, and I am always for keeping it. Therefore I would make immediate application to the king, to take up such persons as he shall suspect to be obnoxious; likewise I would have a short Bill, for two or three months, to enable the king to commit such persons as he shall have cause to suspect, without the benefit of Habeas Corpus.

a short time, and not to be drawn into example. Sir Tho. Clarges. I am for that motion for the king to apprehend suspected persons: till you give your Advice, the king may do it Sir Wm. Williams. Consider the quick without you. I would have such advice given, flight this Bill has made here; it was voted, as may consist with the gravity of this house. brought in, and committed all in one day. As As for to-morrow, though the Tests, &c. are you have overruled your own Order, so I must to be taken; there is no danger in taking not wonder at irregularities, but I hope you them after to-morrow: I would have that un-will be tender in it for the future. derstood that you have no restraint upon you that may put it off. As to this suspending the Habeas Corpus bill, at present I am under great restraints in judgment, therefore I would have it duly debated, and, it may be, I shall be for a temporary Act.

March 4. Sir Edw. Seymour. I apprehend, nothing but the last necessity will cause you to part with the Habeas Corpus Act; the same example for others may be for the future to An Amendment was proposed, That that do it. In what I say, I move for privilege of present Act shall continue till the 17th of parliament; I would not have that suspicion April, and no longer, and agreed to. But a extend to members of parliament. I think it second in these words, "and is never to be reasonable, when you provide for the security" drawn into precedent or example hereafter," of the public to provide for your own. I was rejected.-A Clause was then offered by

way of Addition to the said Bill, which provided, That the Expences and Fees of all persons so committed, should be defrayed by the public: which was likewise over-ruled.--After which a Proviso being first inserted, That the said Act should not any way affect the privileges of parliament, or persons of the Members, till the matter of suspicion be first communicated to the house; the Bill was passed.

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impossible we should live, and not have blood upon us, if we pass this by unpunished. The next is the murdering our Civil Rights in Corporations, in taking away Charters, &c. If we do not punish these things, corruption still remains encouraged, and we shall cause this to descend to posterity. If the fault be in the Jury, and they will not tell us who gave the counsels, they must take it upon themselves. To proceed upon some actings in this, I would have a Select Committee. Let it go to what fountain it will, were my own father concerned. Not but that I would have a Committee of Grievances to sit, but you may have a Select Committee to sit upon Grievances, and you will find the parties and originals, or these men must make themselves murderers of these men, and murderers of our Liberties. No calamity so great (says lord Coke) as what is done under colour of justice.'

Report from the Committee of Grievances.] March 5. Sir Joseph Tredenham reported from the Committee of Grievances, as follows: "Resolved, 1. That it is the opinion of this committee, That the Rights of the city of London, in the Election of Sheriffs in the year 1682, were invaded, and that such invasion was illegal, and a Grievance. 2. That the Judgment given upon the Quo Warranto, against the city of London, is a Grievance. 3. That the late Prosecutions of Quo Warranto's against the other cities, two universities, the towns-corporate, boroughs, cinque-ports, and plantations, and the Judgments thereon, and the Surrender of Charters, to the violation of their antient Rights, are illegal, and Grievances. 4. That the Commissions and Instructions for regulating Corporations, and putting Tests in order to electing Members for Parliament, are illegal, and Grievances. 5. That the promising of Votes to take off the penal Laws, and Tests, is a violation of the Rights of Parliament, and a Grievance. 6. That the Collecting the Customs, and part of the Excise, between the death of king Ch. 2, when these Duties were determined; and the parliament that was called afterwards, was illegal, and a Grievance. 7. That the levying of Money, otherwise than the law allows, and the disarming of Protestants, and the quartering of Soldiers, the pressing of Horses and Carriages, contrary to law, are Grievances. 8. That the house be moved to appoint a particular Committee, to examine into the matters aforesaid, and who were the authors and advisers thereof."-To all which the house agreed, and a Committee was appointed accordingly.

Mr. Howe. These men are known to the boys in the streets. The delay of this may put the people upon great discontents. Suppose a tradesman dies, as a shoemaker, and another comes to take the house, and finds awls and lasts in the house, shall I believe a painter lived in the house? I would have these awls and lasts thrown out of the house. I would have a Select Committee to enquire into this, and then I hope you will have a good account of this, and let the tools be thrown away.

Sir Tho. Clarges. There are a great many Grievances more than this, as the illegal Ecclesiastical Commission; dispensing with the Oaths, &c. to the overthrow of all our laws; money levied by a charter upon Hackney Coaches; if that be so, you will be tript out of all your rights quickly. I wish the Committee, after the discovery of all these Grievances, would have named the persons who had occasioned them. Had they brought you in the persons who had offended, you might then have done something. I could wish these Grievances might be re-committed, and so consider farther of them, and find out the persons who occasioned them.

Sir Rob. Clayton. I would not hunt too If you take too many many hares at once. All we could get things, you will finish none. 'that they had from Burton and Graham was, their direction from the Attorney General,' and there is the end of the thread. Pray enquire of the Attorney General.

Debate on Grievances.] Sir Rob. Howard. You have received a Report from the Committee in general: I would have some use of it, though it is actum agere, to do it over again. We have a great example of the king; instead of those indirect means used formerly to get money, he has given you money. He has been Sir Edw. Seymour. I am of opinion with so far from breaking your laws, that he has not so much as bowed them. I will wind all Clarges, that all the Grievances of this nation are not in the Committee's Report. We have up in one motion, to incite every member to close with it. I find all the Answers from great obligation to the king, who has relieved Burton and Graham, relating to the blood spilt us from the oppression of Chimney Money: by their Prosecution, that of the sheriffs of but if I be not misinformed, we owe that to London, &c. that they were but ministerial the lower end, and not to the higher end, of If these men act again, in them; they ought to be made an example, the council-table. if they have a mind to gratify themselves by who have countenanced these things, no body that, to make them originals, and a Bill of At-will be afraid to offend. When you have voted the Grievances, you may, by a private com tainder to be brought against them. Let us free ourselves from the guilt of that blood spilt, mittee, find out the persons. Punishment of to all posterity, and not leave ill ministers, by vice is as necessary as reward to virtue. these examples, to do the same again. It is

Mr. Love. I am of opinion, that finding

out mischiefs will do no good, without reme- privilege, and if you impeach them for any dying them. The two first Heads of the Bill thing under treason, they may be bailed. I relate to the City of London. If you refer this would have a committee to draw up a charge till you have done all, you will never be at an against them. Any thing that tends to subvert end; it will find you work for a great while. the laws is treason. Parricide is as great a Sir Tho. Lee. No ordinary treason is more crime as is in the world, but it is not high dangerous than the practice of these men. I treason. Before the statute 25 Edw. 3, the would have the Committee meet and examine greatest treason was subverting the law, and their several practices, and then you may go even a judge to break his oath, was judged to the lords for committing them, as a court, treason at the common law. You may proby the complaint of the commons; else that vide your evidence against these men, after you court cannot commit originally. A learned have impeached them, and I hope you will lawyer (Maynard) has declared, that you are bring them to justice. to proceed so in common-law treasons.

Sir Christ. Musgrave. It is your proper way to refer it to a committee, to examine the matter, and then bring the accusation; let the committee report to the house how the matter stands, but bring in no accusation, leaving that the house.

Resolved, "That a particular Committee be appointed to examine into the Matters aforesaid; and who were the Authors and Advisers thereof."

Major Wildman. I would consider whether this be practicable immediately. Possibly they may demand Habeas Corpus before night. There are 30 in number committed, and most without any law, and committed by no autho-to rity in law. It is notorious that they have broken privileges of parliament, by taking away Corporation Charters, by engaging Subscriptions to elect such as the king shall nominate, to overthrow the very foundations of parliaments. The way proposed by Lee I think the best. But whether you will commit them for breach of privilege of parliament. You are told of a great sum of money that has gone through their hands. I would have them in your power, for they have been guilty of the greatest subversion of the laws that ever was.

Sir Tho. Clarges. I will agree that Burton and Graham are guilty of great offences, but whether you will determine this breach of privilege without hearing them? There is nothing expressed in the warrant of commitment of the cause of their commitment, and I think there is no danger from the lords commissioners, who have three days to consider of the Habeas Corpus, and by that time possibly you may have special matter against them; therefore we are not to infringe the laws, be the offenders ever so great. I know not whether the lords, primá instantiá, may commit commoners: I would rather go some expeditious way, by Impeachment.

Col. Birch. If any gentleman of this house will come and inform you of a breach of privilege upon him, you never deny commitment of the person that did it. Scarce a gentleman of this house that will not agree this to be a horrible breach of privilege. Let your serjeant take them into custody and examine them, and so you have them in custody according to usage of parliament.

Mr. Paul Foley. I understand, a great many are in the Tower. If the king's council, who hear us, will inform the king, some course may be taken with them. If this house talk of breach of privilege with men they intend to hang, it is a strange course. There is no way we can proceed, but by Impeachment, and go generally to the lords to accuse them, and appoint a committee to draw it up.

Sir Rd. Temple. It is strange that men who lie in the Tower for the greatest crimes, should be fetched out for so low a thing as breach of VOL. V.

Protest on the Bill for regulating Trials.] March 6. On the the 26th of Feb. a great debate occurred in the house of lords, on the Bill for the better regulating the Trials of the Peers of England; and this day the question being put, Whether this Bill shall pass? It was resolved in the affirmative.-Leave was given to any lords to enter their Dissents; and accordingly these lords following entered their Dissents in the Reasons following:-" 1. Because nothing ever was or may be put into an Act of parliament, that can reflect so much upon the honour of the Peerage as this will. 2. Because this sets the Honour of the Peers and the Commons upon an equal foot. 3. Because such persons as may have Causes to be heard at the bar of this house will not be so confident of the justice of the Peers, and consequently be jealous of the Right that may be expected upon impeachments. 4. Because this strikes at the root of all the Privileges of the Peers, mast of which they claim by reason of the great regard that the law has to the honour and integrity of the Peers above that of the Commons; the Statute de Scandalis Magnatum being enacted for that reason only. 5. Because it will be, in some sort, a mark of reproach upon every peer who shall be challenged, unless there be very great and apparent cause for it. 6. Because this will tend to maintain feuds and animosities amongst the Peers. 7. Because, at this time, it is unreasonable, considering the late Disputes and Divisions that have been in this house. 8. Because the Honour of every man, much more of a Peer, is, or ought to be more valuable than his life. (Signed) Delawarr, North and Grey, Kingston, Lindsey, G. C. Craven, Northampton, Delamer, Stamford, Pembroke, Lucas, H. London, Morley and Mounteagle, Winchester, Bedford, Manchester, Norfolk and Marshal, Berkeley, S."

The King's Answer to the Address of Lives and Fortunes.] March 8. The Speaker read

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the King's Answer to the Address of both houses declaring they would stand by him, &c. with their Lives and Fortunes, which was contained in these words:

I must also recommend the Consideration of the Revenue to you, that it may be so settled, as that it may be collected without dispute.My Lords and Gentlemen; These things will amount to a great sum, and must of consequence be a present weight upon the people; but, considering that neither your Religion, nor your safety, can probably be secured without these means, I conclude you will think nothing can be too great a price for their preservation: and I will engage my solemn word to you, that whatever you shall give in order to these public ends shall be strictly applied to them; and that as you so freely offer to hazard all that is dear to you, so I shall as freely expose myself for the Support of the Protestant Religion, and the safety and honour of the nation."

derable Force, which I think ought not to be less than 20,000 horse and foot; which by the blessing of God, will make the work shorter, and in consequence, the Charge easier, though "My lords and gentlemen; If any thing the first Expence must, of necessity, be great.-could add to the esteem and affection I have You are to consider that, towards the more for Parliaments, and particularly for this, they speedy and effectual Success in relation to Irewould be much encreased by the kindness you | land, as well as with a regard to France, there shew to me, and the zeal you express for the must be such a Fleet as may, in conjunction public good in the Address you have made, with that of the States, make us entirely Maswhich in the matter, as well as the manner, ters of the Sea that nothing can be sent from hath every thing in it that ought to recommend France either to Ireland, or any where else, it to me. I assure you I will never abuse the that may give disturbances to us, or our allies. confidence that you shall put in me; being fully persuaded, that there is no sure foundation of a good agreement between a king and his people but a mutual trust: when that is once broken, a government is half dissolved: it shall, therefore, be my chief care never to give any parliament cause to distrust me; and the best method I can use for that purpose is never to expect any thing from them, but that which shall be their own interest to grant.-I came hither for the good of the kingdom, and, since it is your desire that I am in this station, I shall pursue the same ends that brought me. —God hath been pleased to make me instrumental to redeem you from the ills you feared, and it is still my desire, as well as my duty, to preserve your Religion, Laws, and Liberties, which were the only inducements that brought me into England, and to these I ascribe the blessings that have attended this undertaking. -When I spoke last to you, I told you of the necessity of assisting our Allies, and more especially the States of Holland, whose readiness to relieve you, at their too great hazard and expence, from the extremities you lay under, needs no other argument to move you to the consideration of it. As I was then a witness of their zeal and affection to promote the Expedition, and second my endeavours, even with a neglect of their own safety; so I am now sensible of the inevitable ruin they have drawn upon themselves, by giving you this assistance, if you should not return it to them.-They have really exhausted themselves to such a degree both as to Men and Money, that it is not easily to be imagined, and I am confident your generosity will have as little bounds towards them, as theirs had towards you and that you will not only enable me to make good the Treaty with them, and repay what they have actually laid out upon this occasion, of which an Account shall be given to you; but that you will farther support them to the utmost of your ability against the power of their enemies, who must be yours too, by their interest and their religion, and do certainly design the ruin of Holland to be a step to your destruction. I need not take pains to tell you the deplorable Condition of Ireland, which by the zeal and violence of the Popish Party there, and by the assistance and encouragement they have from France, is brought to that pass, that it is not adviseable to attempt the reducing it, otherwise than by a very consi

Debate on a Motion for printing the Votes.] March 9. Sir Tho. Lee. In the Roll of the 9th Hen. 4, Nothing is to be taken notice of in Parliament, but what you shall communicate to the king. I know not how the king may take notice of what you do, and if you print your Votes, the lords may do the same. It will only save the gentlemen the trouble of writing to their corporations.

Sir Henry Capel. You are told of the 9th Ien. 4. At that time, there were no CoffeeHouses, and no printing. If you could keep your Votes out of the Coffee-Houses, and suppress the licentiousness of printing, otherwise you make secrets here of what all the world knows. Treaties are made public amongst princes, and it is no good thing to make secrets of that which is known. The world ought to know your Votes, and there is no harm in it. As to what is said, that the king will concern himself in your votes;' the lords Journals are open, and so are ours. I think we make more of this than it is worth. I would have them printed.

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Sir Joseph Tredenham. I cannot be persuaded that any thing now, or heretofore, has been for your service, by printing your Votes, but extremely to your disservice. I appeal how it is for your honour to make a Resolution in your Journal not to print your Votes, and now to make a contradiction in your Journal, to print them. Unless the cause of that contradiction do appear, it will make your counsels of little value abroad in the world. That you should alter your Resolutions weakly is not for your honour. What reason is there for most of your Orders, or for a Bill to be read