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You are told of oats, and other things; but | Transportation of the Forces aforesaid.
That a further Supply be given to his majesty,
Sir Rob. Howard. What Garroway said is rational. We are all of a mind for the whole, but the difference is the provision for 6 months, &c. We are, in effect, paying a land-tax to our advantage in the sale of corn. 'Tis true, a great deal of Money is to be raised. The motion of not exceeding 700,000!. does not hinder you from the manner of raising it. The next thing will be the way of raising it.
Mr. Hampden, jun. I fear the war will not be thoroughly begun in six months. Do you hink the French king will lay aside his fundamental policy, to keep you in continual work, as he does in all other places?
Col, Birch. What sum soever you put, is alike to me. We are to confederate; and will that give your Alliance any encouragement? Will this be an encouragement to your friends, (I know not how many they are) to tell them but of six months provision for the war? The business cannot be well begun in six months. I am far from thinking that six months will make an end. You have Ireland, and the French, upon you. This will be an encouragement to your enemies.
Mr. Garroway. You have now a Land-tax, and you have not appropriated one penny to the use you intended it yet; and if you take not up Money upon interest, I know not where you will have it. This is not all the Charge; it will cost you more.
Mr. Sacheverell. I have attended the debate as well as I could. I take it, that the gentleman that moved for six months, would raise men, and send them into Ireland; and, if there is farther occasion, would comply with the same sum to go on, because he thinks that necessary at the first beginning of the war, but not afterwards. Those who stand up for a previous question, I would know whether they are not against the Supply. I think these men cannot be sent over till the latter end of the year, and keep the sea in the mean time. I would, therefore, vote the six months Supply,
and the rest I shall do as I think fit.
Bill brought into the H. of Lords to abrogate the former Oaths.] According to the king's desire, signified in council, a Bill was presented in the house of lords this month, for abrogating the former Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, and appointing other Oaths in their stead, which being read a second time, a select Committee was ordered to draw two Clauses; the one to explain the abrogating the said Oaths, and the other to take away the necessity of receiving the Sacrament, to make a man capable of having an Office.
Protest thereon.] This last Clause being drawn up accordingly, and reported to the house, was rejected by a great majority, on which occasion the following Protest was entered:
1. "Because a hearty Union among Protes tants is a greater Security to the Church and State than any Test that can be invented. 2, Because this Obligation to receive the Sacra ment is a Test on Protestants rather than on the Papists. 3. Because so long as it is continued, there cannot be that hearty and tho rough Union amongst Protestants as has always. been wished, and is at this time indispensably necessary. 4. Because a great caution ought not to be required from such as are admitted into Offices than from the members of the two houses of parliament, who are not obliged to receive the Sacrament to enable them to sit in either house. (Signed). North and Grey, Chesterfield, J. Lovelace, Delamer, Grey, Vaughan, Stamford, P. Wharton."
The court party having lost this point, they made another attempt in favour of the Dissenters, which was by inserting a Clause in the said Bill, to prevent the receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, upon any other account than in obedience to the holy Institution thereof, and by freeing persons to be admitted into any Office, or Employment, from the necessity of receiving the said Sacrament, in such a manner as is appointed by an Act made the 25th Ch. 2, that is, according to the Church of England; provided a Certificate were delivered of the said persons having re ceived the Sacramcut, under the hands of a minister, and two other credible persons: but this Clause being likewise rejected, leare was given to such lords as will, to enter their Dis
Resolved, 1. "That a Supply be given to his majesty, of 302,361l. 17s. 101d. for the main-sents, and these lords do enter their Dissents taining 22,330 Men, and Officers, and the in the Reasons following: Contingencies belonging to the same, for six months, towards the reducing of Ireland. 2. That a further Supply be given to his majesty, of 27,451l. 13s. 4d. for the Levy-Money, and
1. "Because it gives great part of the Protestant Free Men of England reason complain of inequality and hard usage, when they are excluded from public Employments
every one ought to be punished for it, which nobody affirms; if it be no crime, those who are capable, and judged fit for Employments by the king, ought to be punished with a law of exclusion, for not doing that which it is no crime to forbear.--If it he urged still as an effectual Test to discover and keep out Papists, the taking the Sacrament in those Protestant Congregations where they are members and sub-known will be at least as effectual to that purpose. (Signed) Oxford, Mordaunt, J. Lovelace, R. Montagu, P. Wharton, Paget."
King's Message recommending a Bill of Indemnity.] March 25. Mr. Hampden delivered the following Message from his majesty:
"W. R. His majesty, out of an carnest desire to deliver his people from the guilt,
by a law, and also, because it deprives the king and kingdom of divers men fit and capable to serve the public in several stations, and that for a mere scruple of conscience, which can by no means render them suspected, much less disaffected, to the government. 2. Because his majesty, as the common and indulgent Father of his People, having expressed an earnest desire of Liberty for tender Consciences to his Protestant jects; and my Lords the Bishops having, divers of them, on several occasions, professed an inclination, and owned the reasonableness of such a Christian temper; we apprehend, it will raise suspicions in mens minds of something different from the case of religion or the public, or a design to heal our breaches, when they find, that, by confining secular employ-reproach, and penalties, which many of them ments to ecclesiastical conformity, those are may be liable to; and to put an end to all shut out from civil affairs whose doctrine and controversies arising between his subjects, by worship may be tolerated by authority of par- reason of any disorders in the late times; and liament, there being a Bill before us, by order to take away all distinctions and occasions of the house, to that purpose; especially when, of discord among them, to the end that they, without this exclusive rigour, the Church is having an entire confidence in his majesty, secured in all her privileges and preferments, and perfect union amongst themselves, may be nobody being hereby let into them who is not encouraged in their duty to his government, strictly conformable. 3. Because to set Marks and more fully and securely enjoy the benefit of Distinction and Humiliation on any sort of of it; and his maj. judging, that the best way men, who have not rendered themselves justly to render this his gracious purpose most extensuspected to the government, as it is at all sive and effectual, is to pass an Act of Free times to be avoided by the makers of just and and General Pardon, Indemnity, and Obliequitable laws, so may it be particularly of ill vion: His maj. doth earnestly recommend the effect to the reformed interest at home and consideration thereof to both houses of parliaabroad, in this present conjuncture, which ment, that, with all the expedition a matter of stands in need of the united hands and hearts that kind will admit, they may prepare a Bill of all Protestants against the open attempts for that purpose, for the royal assent; with and secret endeavours of a restless party, and such Exceptions only, as to them shall seem a potent neighbour, who is more zealous than necessary for the vindication of public justice, Rome itself to plant Popery in these kingdoms, the safety of their majesties, and the settleand labours, with his utmost force, to settlement and welfare of the nation for the fuhis tyranny upon the ruins of the Reformation all through Europe. 4. Because it turns the edge of a law (we know not by what fate) upon Protestants and friends to the government, which was intended against Papists, to exclude them from places of trust, as men avowedly dangerous to our religion and government; and thus the taking the Sacrament, which was enjoined only as a means to discover Papists, is now made a distinguishing duty amongst Protestants, to weaken the whole by -casting off a part of them. 5. Because Mysteries of Religion and Divine Worship are of divine original, and of a nature so wholly distant from the secular affairs of public society, that they cannot be applied to those ends; and therefore the Church, by the law of the Gospel, as well as common prudence, ought to take care not to offend either tender consciences within itself, or give offence to those without, by mixing their sacred mysteries with seculiar interests. 6. Because we cannot see how it can consist with the law of God, common equity, or the right of any free-born subject, that any one be punished without a crime: if it be a crime not to take the Sacrament according to the usage of the Church of England,
Debate thereon.] Sir Christ. Musgrave. This Message from the king is very gracious, and I think the house should consider it as soon as possible; and we ought to return his majesty Thanks for his gracious favour.
Sir Joseph Tredenkam. I would express that gratitude to the king with all the solemnity imaginable.
Sir Henry Goodrick. I would have your Thanks returned in the most solemn manner, in writing, and the Speaker to present it.
Mr. Harbord. You have received a Message from the king, &c. and it is necessary there should be an Act of Oblivion; but I hope you will take care that posterity shall not fall under the same calamities we have done, for the future. If there be not some examples made of persons who have overturned your laws, you will never want those to overturn your government. Therefore, to prevent for the future, make some examples of the great offenders.
Mr. Howe. This does not surprise me, if I look upon the king's carriage; a king so gracious as to admit such persons into his presence, that have been against him. I hope
their crimes are forgotten, and that we shall forget them.
forms, that the king did swear in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, to maintain, &c.' [and reads the rest at large.] It was Canutus the Dane, &c. The Oaths of E. 3. H. 4 E. 6. as if a woman should be married, and the man make no promise. There is an allegiance sworn by the subject, and, by law, no Oath by the king.
Sir Henry Capel. You are upon a method of returning the king Thanks, and you are told of a precedent of the Convention. It is said, 'you need not look into books for it, because that was an irregular time.' But, in that parliament, were men of great understanding and worth, and you cannot do better than search those precedents out of the Journals. As to what has been moved, of a committee of the whole house, to take the Message, paragraph by paragraph, and debate it, when will there be an end? The king desires dispatch, and where will be the end of a committee of the whole house? A Grand Committee will be dilatory; therefore I move for a special Committee to draw up the Thanks, &c.
Mr. Howe. We owe much of our misfortunes to that Convention; therefore I would not have that made a precedent.
Mr. Humpden, jun. I can add something more, than what I have said in matter of fact. In the ancient Oaths were the Laws of Edward Sir Joseph Tredenham. I am of opinion, that the Confessor. They were Capitularies, of was a happy parliament. I remember the which some are expired. It is not said, acperplexity the nation was in, and the settle-cording to the laws in being. By this, every inent they made. I would proceed according casuist will tell the king, he is obliged, in the to that method, and you may rectify any errors strictest sense, never to alter them. That is of that parliament by viewing the Journal. I always left to the legislators to alter them. As would go into a committee of the whole house to trials and judgments not according to the now, and accelerate the Answer. The after- laws in being, this is an Oath in time to make noon is not so happy in our proceedings as it perjury. You mean, according to laws when done sedately in the morning. that shall be made.' As to Religion, in some things, the king swears positively to the true profession of the Gospel, that is, the Christian Religion, no latitude in that, and then comes to the Christian Religion as it is against Popery; and this is the stress of all your Oath. Protestant is looked upon as a word honourable; and, not only the word, but the thing, to the last drop of blood. It is every body's endeavour to keep up the Reformation, and avoid returning into Popery. As to the Doctrine, it is suitable to God's word, and therefore in that matter to leave the king no sort of latitude. But, as to Discipline, many Acts have been made to alter it: I say nothing to oppose it, but I speak to that which makes the thing unsafe-That the king maintain the Church, as they may have all protection from the king, he governing according to law, and they doing according to law; both the higher and lower degree of the Clergy, demeaning themselves as they ought, may be protected.
Mr. Garroway. I would have some good effect of this debate, which may be easily obtained, if you will appoint a Committee to search the Journals, and they make you a Report of what they find, and then you may go into a Grand Committee.
Mr. Garroway. You have a great work upon your hands, upon which our future happiness must depend. You must consider what it is the king can, and what is fit for him to take. I am for the National Church;' if you tie it up strictly according to law,' you do not know whether the king be free to grant you what you require. I would have the Church-doors made wider, and I think it might easily be done. In order to that, I move, That the king, in the Oath, swear to maintain the Protestant Religion, as it is, or shall be, established by law.'
The Thanks of the house were voted to his majesty, and a Committee was appointed to draw up an Address.
Debate on the Coronation Oath.] The house being informed, That the Committee, to whom it was referred to inspect the Coronation-Oath, and consider what Alterations or Amendments are fit to make therein; and to report the same to the house; had sat several times, but could not come to a determination of what was so referred to them; resolved, "That the house do now resolve itself into a Committee of the whole house, to take the same matter into their consideration."-Mr. Dalben took the Chair of the Committee.
Mr. Hampden, jun. I know not what gentlemen may mean by the old Coronation Oath. Some may mean the last Coronation Oath, as formerly. The Oath stands thus: the committee looked into the old precedents for the original of this Oath. They looked into the Statute Book, and other law books, but it is in none but the Roman Pontifical. Every body knows how the Clergy have usurped to themselves authorities, as of marriages, divorces, adulteries, probate of wills, &c. We find by the ceremonial and ritual in other courts, as well as in England, they are not found, but in the ceremonials and rituals of the Roman Church, In Brackton only I find it, who in
Sir Tho. Clarges. I move for an addition to the Oath, that to the utmost of his power he will maintain, &c. the Protestant Religion, established by law.'
Mr. Howe. If there was any doubt that our Religion was not established by law, I would be for it. I think this is in opposition to Popery, but not that the king shall defend no part of the Protestant Religion, but what is established by law.
Sir Joseph Tredenham. Whenever a Bill of Comprehension shall be brought in for all our
safeties, I shall be for it. To put into the Oath by law established,' is a tautology, and hardly good sense, being already done. You are told, all sorts of opinions are to be governed by the law of God;' are not all sorts that ever have been, or are like to be, pretenders to it? Look on the Protestation of Augsbourg; there is not such a correspondence as people may imagine. As to the word 'reformed,' all the sects pretend to be so. Then as by law established,' it is said, relates to Religion. Can there be any thing altered relating to Religion? The body of Religion is the Doctrine, and I shall never vary from it, and I hope no body here ever will. What do you call law? It is whatever shall be done by act of parliament. If you can alter the Civil Government, you have the same power relating to the Discipline of the Church. Though this Oath is only of king Ch. I. yet compare that Oath with all from Magna Charta, and they differ in few circumstances. Under the general word, all sects may shelter themselves. They may tell you of some points they embrace, and are erroneous in the rest, and say, you are to maintain us, and all that call themselves Christians.'
Mr. Hampden, jun. The Protestants on all sides are like to have war; but this Coronation Oath is the very touch-stone and symbol of your government. It is moved, that the words to be put in be established, or shall be established, by law.' If the Doctrine be established by law, it may be overthrown by law again. I hope it is on a better foundation than men can make by law. It is by the law of God, but as for the ceremonies, undoubtedly they are by the law of England. Parliaments have changed many things in the Discipline of the Church. It is the intention of every body, I believe, to keep up the Church and the Hierarchy of England, and I would distinguish betwixt the Doctrine and Discipline. I move, that according to the laws for the time being' may be inserted in the Oath, &c.
Sir Tho. Littleton. I am as much for the Religion by law established, as any man. have not heard any reason yet, why the words, 'as shall be established by law,' may not be in the Oath. The Religion of the Church of England, possibly, is established as no other religion is, by law, and we have found it changed since the Reformation. Every minute ceremony is established by act of parliament, because they would not leave it to the Church to return us to our former errors again. You have added, nor any other, but by act of parliament.' The king has an inclination to open the doors of the Church; what harm then is there in those words' as shall be established by law? Formerly, it was no great matter what Coronation Oath you had; but this king may say, I do not understand what is by law. And if we say, by act of parliament shall be,' he may say, he never intended to bind you up.' Therefore, I would have it, ' as shall be established by law.'
Mr. Ettrick. If I thought this would bind up the legislative power, I should be against it. I would not have it extend to the essential part of Religion, but to ceremonies only. As to the word 'shall be,' I doubt there is something more in the question; several persons call themselves of the reformed Religion, as Quakers, Anabaptists, &c.
Mr. Coningsby. I offer you these words, 'the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion established by law.'
Paymaster-General of the Army, in conjunction with Mr. Fox. He attended king William in Ireland in the campaign of 1690, who, on leaving the kingdom, appointed him, and lord Sidney, lord justices. In 1691, he was created lord Coningsby, of Ireland, and in 1704, was appointed, by queen Anne, vice
Major Wildman. I am as ready to submit to the Church, as any man. I second the motion, that you will add words that may be restrained to the Doctrine established by God, and Jesus Christ, that the profession of it may be by the laws of the land, and when the king is to swear to the Doctrine established by law, he swears to his power only, and no danger of perjury in t; but whether he swears to all as it is now established, consider whether it is seasonable, some Comprehension or Toleration being intended, and before these Acts are made, to swear so generally. Consider, the next day after king has taken this Oath, who shall excuse him from his oath, before the house has agreed any alteration? Suppose the parliament be dissolved by the hand of God, or any other act, shall the king, by his Oath, be bound to press all the ceremonies?
Sir Tho. Lee. I think a Declaration of our Right is sufficient, and a seasonable time to take any laws away, but not to let the king dispense with them, and they must be observed whilst the laws are in being. I think no man has spoken against the addition, but some for that addition of such as are, or shall bc, &c.' Many will be for the first with the addition, but against is without the addition. If it be meant no alteration, as by law established, &c.' nobody will be for that; but if it be, what is, &c. or shall be by law established,' every body will be for it.
Mr. Finch. I have attended the debate, and the words moved for, viz. established by law, or that shall be, &c.' I have observed, that the reasons do not well agree. It is needless, because, the words being implied, you need not add them. But I think it necessary, that the world may know we mean the established Protestant Religion. You were told, it was implied, and may be sworn to laws not fit to be put in execution. To show that, by these words, we understand the reformed Protestant Religion established by law, I am against the
treasurer, and paymaster of the forces here. In 1716, he was created by George I. a baron, and in 1719, an earl of Great Britain. He died in 1729,
strength of Finch's arguments, and the smoothness of his discourse, have been known here before.
words shall be established, &c.' No man can have any colour but that still a liberty is to consent to any other laws to preserve Religion, and those are, according to his Oath, established by law. They signify no more than to be established, but I am against the words of 'Doctrine that shall be established, &c.' Those words, I believe, will not be received here. The corruptions of the Church of Rome were abolished by law. The Protestant Religion, is a large word of great comprehension, because it looks as if some other Protestant Religion were fit to be established, instead of that we have: I suppose the Doctrine is never to be shaken, and the truth of the Christian Religion. No man of the Church of England but will be ready to comply with the weak conscience of any professor of the Protestant Religion. And no man, from the bishop downwards, is against any comprehension or ease to tender consciences; but this is as if there were another Protestant Religion to be established by law; as if there was intended a new Doctrine, as well as a new Discipline. I would have you retain the first, and leave the latter.
Mr. Somers. The question is, to add the words shall be established by law.' I desire the addition, for great regard to the legislature. In the former paragraph, it is Statutes, and Laws, and Customs in being,' in the other establishment. He that gives his consent to take away, does not maintain them. Put in is, or shall be,' and that takes in every man's consent. It is said, that by this, we are going about to alter the government of the Church.' Though the constitution be as good as possible for the present time, none can be good at all times. Therefore, I am for the word 'may,' and that will be a remedy at all times.
Mr. Pollexfen. We are all agreed, and I hope ever shall be, to the protestant religion established by law.' We desire to consider, whether the latter words shall be added, or not? I see no manner of reason against it. We all agree in substance, but if by the wisdom of the nation it shall be thought fit to alter, we are at liberty to do it. No man that maintains the law, but maintains the whole legislature, which alters and redresses the law from time to time, as there is occasion. We frame an oath, not for ourselves, but for the king, and he ought to be satisfied. The king is tender of what he promises; much more of his oath. As on the one side it will seem broad, as if there was an intention to alter religion, and I am sure they will look much
Col. Birch. In what the learned gent. has said, I go a great way with him, and when I do not, I shall show the difference. There has been no new Doctrine named, and then most part of his objections are over. When I sat in that chair, in a former parliament, to show you how far the Dissenters were for the Church of England, all, except the Quakers, did generally agree to the Church of England; and if that house had sat, they would have been compre-a-squint at us, the greatest reason is, not to hended. You are told, it will as well relate dishearten the king, and to put upon him a to Discipline as Doctrine,' and I think it does. jealousy, for it must then return from him When people are full of expectation, that we again. should shut the doors of the Church to all kind of relaxation to such as hope for some! It is said by an hon, person, he would not have the Church troubled.-St. Paul says, he knows but in part, and we are about to make ourselves infallible. Let me remind you what ill success we have had with the Scots, (which put them in Rebellion) when abp. Laud would not have a hair bated of the Discipline of the Church; and what followed upon it? That brought on the war in England, and was mostly the cause of it. But what success have we had these 20 years, since the severe Act of Uniformity and prosecution of Dissenters? None but abatement of rents, and loss of trade; and this is such a stumbling block as we cannot avoid. I would make the Doctrine of the Church firm, and leave the Discipline at large.
Sir Henry Capel. What makes me rise up is this; of what will be said abroad of making another Church than this of England. It is a tender thing to make a law, but in an oath for another person to take, it is always a rule to express the thing plain. I would know what harm there is in the words, to take in every man's apprehensions? If these words pass in the negative, may not that startle the king, to see it upon our Books as a doubt? I have seen alterations, in this place, of the Church of England, in Ch. 2's time, and shall we bind up ourselves? It is argued, this may bring in another church,' but consider how the protestaut religion has been invaded, and how this prince is assisted by protestants. But should you put these words narrowly, they may say your parliament has limited you to a church unalterable, and will let in nobody.' In this addition, there is no intent of any hurt to the church. If we do not comprehend, and make our entrance broad, at this time, you may create jealousies at home and abroad. I have seen, by court-practices here, one party set up against another, and all done by the popish party. I heard here, upon the Declaration for Liberty, promoted by lord Clifford, both bishops and dissenters against it, and we threw it out, I remember col. Strangways's story of
Mr. Finch. Birch told me, he would go a great way along with me,' but he does not one step. I said, the Doctrine was the true profession of Christianity,' and he takes offence, as if I made an infallibility. He tells you, all sects agreed to the Doctrine, but the Quakers,' and yet danger of altering. All his topics are out of doors, for all agree, that all Protestants ought to be united.
Col. Birch, I know my disadvantage. The