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Heaven had in store an antidote against a popish army, pray God preserve us at all times from a Protestant one.

that any person should ever rival him in his glorious title of Deliverer.'-Our present king has now the same game as he has all his life been successfully pursuing abroad, and the same business he has been bred up to in other countries: but he has now other tools to work with, a divided and corrupted people. His Declaration assures us, he came to secure our constitution, so as no ill prince, no evil ministers should be able to violate it for the future. I shall not now repeat what he has done in person towards all this; it were unnecessary flattery to repeat actions done in the face of the sun; but my business at present is to consider what has been deficient; and, as I proposed at first, to give some hints where the fault lies, and how it came about that we have

Now having recapitulated all these circumstances of approaching ruin, which we so narrowly escaped in the foregoing reigns, what would become of us if these difficulties should bear upon us (as in a hurricane) all at once? Whenever they do, well may the nation fear their impending fate. Yet after all I say, a free uncorrupted parliament would soon dispe! these clouds. Under such a government as I have mentioned, king James the first had been compelled to have made use of English councils in governing an English nation: he had been obliged to have provided for his Scots favorites out of his Scotch revenue: he bad no doubt been supplied with the money of Eng-been exposed to such hazards, and are yet unland, but forced to have laid it out for the honour and interests of that people. Suppose the nation prepossest for him as they were for king Charles the second, relieved from long wars, from confusion, from Cromwells and usurpers; such a parliament would not then have sat still in idle rejoicing, but wisely have prevented the causes of future mourning: nay, give him the Standing Army of the unfortunate prince of his name (let it be a Protestant one too) yet such an assembly, with their steady wisdom and vigour, would have rescued their country from all these dangers. All I can allow, but the circumstances of king Charles's corrupted parliament: for the incorruption of that is my only remedy to all other evils; when that falls out with the rest, there is nothing left but for honest men to show the nation the precipice upon which they stand: and much may be expected from so brave a people, when waked out of their lethargy, and well apprised of their danger. I shall conclude this part with the questions of king James the 1st upon his accession to the throne, Do I make the Bishops? Do I make the Judges?' If to this he might have added, 'Do I make the House of Commons? To such fatal interrogatories the answer is too plain.

Having treated (and with a freedom an Englishman may well take) of the circumstances of the last reigns, I come to a subject with more difficulty to be handled. What the people and parliament have to do at present may well be gathered from the foregoing considerations; yet I must say something of the Revolution, and what has happened since, were it only to acknowledge the obligations we owe to our present king. The oppressions and dangers from which he relieved us were so grievous, and the advantages we might have procured ourselves by his coming were so great, that we owe him the utmost gratitude, not to be overpaid by any thing but by such a confidence in his virtue, as (forgetful of times past and to come) should make us neglect the opportunity he has given us of securing to ourselves, the never being so much obliged to any other. This were the worst requital we could make him, to let it be possible by our negligence, VOL. V.-Appendix.

secure; and this to the end the scene of his great life may be perfected, and his promises made good to us, in an establishment secured against future attempts.-I must confess I cannot wholly acquit the Convention, and other following parliaments. I doubt all the unnecessary hazards to which we have been exposed, all our unsuccessful undertakings, all the misgiven and mis-spent treasure, all that is deficient, or left undone to the compleating our security, must in a great measure be laid to their charge. It is well known, many in pamphlets, more in discourse, accuse them both of weakness and corruption: but they should consider that such a war was what never came afore into the hands of a parliament; the dangers and difficulties succeeding and increasing from year to year, were enough to amaze and distract the greatest assembly. I shall be far from passing so hard a judgment on them: my only wish is, if they have done well, that they may never do otherwise; if they have committed errors, the like may never happen. My ambition is their glory; only out of zeal to their honour, I shall take notice of some complaints made by others; and from myself take the liberty to say, that this ensuing parliament made free by a happy peace, must make the nation so for ever, or for ever lose their reputation.

This is the time in which parliaments should exert themselves for the nation's happiness and their own fame. All mankind have observed, this is the second revolution unimproved by parlia ments in the same age; the one as ineffectual to the good of England in the hands of Patriots, Whigs, and Dissenters, as the other was in the hands of Cavaliers and Churchmen: which makes men apt to conclude, the fault lies in that part of our constitution on which we most rely. And the common reason given by all why parliaments have mismanaged, is, that they are so managed themselves; they do not only suppose them subjected to the power of kings, to the influence of great men, to the arts of old and crafty statesmen, but accuse them now of being led by beardless politicians, by upstart apprentices in business, neither supported by fortune, dignities or experience, and only buoyed up by projecting insolence. If

this were the case, to what are we reduced? This is not Phaeton unfortunately conducting the horses of the sun, but a carrier driving packhorses and beasts of burden, which jog on their appointed stages for their pensions.

The proposed limits of a sheet, and not the subject, confine me; and therefore I shall repeat but one objection made to the wisdom of our national assemblies, which is, that the members of a Convention freely chosen, brought together at this Revolution, and miraculously delivered from the highest oppressions, should admit of the old underminers of our liberties for the new managers of reformation; and this I may say, as to their integrity, who would have admitted of such corrupters, but to be corrupted?-It may very well be said to the justification of some; When there was no government, no ministers, no money, no privy purse, who could influence? It must be confest (and here is the fatal error) if there was corruption it was from within Nay it is plain, they must bribe themselves, and only with hopes and expectations; they were qualified by the constitution to have places, every fool was well qualified in his own thoughts, and every knave betrayed his trust and his country to make himself worthy.-Men have not only altered in our times, but parties have changed their principles and practices: If so, what cautions can be great enough in such an age? I come therefore to those considerations, what wise and honest men should do in this critical juncture I shall propose preventing physick, safe, were there no present disease, were there no corruption in our land, were all upright from the lord to the commoner; yet I doubt the golden age would not succeed, were all wise as Solomon, and after God's own heart as David: we know the follies committed by the one and the impieties by the other; let no man depend too much upon himself, let no government depend upon men. Presumption is the highest sin, and prevention the highest

wisdom.

I doubt not but some will think, and more

will say, I have writ a tedious preface to a very short treatise; that without so mnch repetition, without enumerating so many diseases, and times of infection, I might sooner have given my short receipt, which is this: Good people of England, elect those to represent you this parliament, who most probably will secure your being truly represented for ever. In other words, Those who have virtue enough to incapacitate themselves from any service but that of their country, while they take that trust upon them. Now towards making such a choice, my instructions shall be as short as my advice: Chuse rich men.' For you may know who are rich, and cannot know who are honest: One you think honest may take money, but one that is rich does not want it. Let no character of party recommend or prejudice: poor Whigs, poor Tories, want equally places, and will act alike to get and keep them; but be sure if they want money much, they have not much ambition. Therefore avoid the younger sons of lords, who full of pride, with empty pockets, will endeavour, at the nation's cost, to become rich commoners. It is needless to advise against those whose actions have discovered them in foregoing parliaments, those worst of villains, who began like patriots, to conclude like parasites. Thus I conclude, like a quack, undertaking my remedy shall cure all distempers, whether they lie in the heart or in the brain. No matter what sort of men conspire, whether the bold projects (flaming like comets in the sky) threaten multitudes, or whether the softer methods, like mines underground, work hidden mischief. Such a national assembly, under the qualifications I have mentioned, would repel the bashaw, and defeat the courtier, and prove strong enough to secure us from the most dangerous designs, those drest up with zeal, and disguised by improbability. Such a parliament would secure us from religious lewdness, protestant arbitrariness, and parliamentary slavery.

No XVI.

A Letter to a Country Gentleman,* setting forth the Cause of the Decay and Ruin of Trade. To which is annexed, A List of the Names of some Gentlemen who were Members of the last Parliament, and now are (or lately were), in public Employments. London, printed in 1698.

SIR, Yours I received, bearing date the third of the last month, by which I find you seem to be much afflicted to see the trade of the nation ruined, and your native country brought into so great calamity as now it is; and desire me to give you some account, if possible, how, and

Harleian Miscellany, vol. viii p 484.

by what means, all these evils have been brought upon the whole kingdom? Which I shall endeavour to do, in as brief a manner as I can, and, in order to it, shall relate to you some public transactions in relation to the late war, and then leave you and all rational men to judge, who it is have been the grand instruments of bringing all these evils upon us.

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For the situation of our country and the constitution of our government, we have always been esteemed the happiest nation in Europe and no people in the universe ever enjoyed a longer series of peace and plenty than we have done. Yet, during the time of the late war, we have seen the trade of the nation, some ages a raising, almost totally ruined; and a general poverty and distress brought upon the whole kingdom, and that in the reign even of the best of princes.

our greatest security, and the glory of our isle, and the sailors our myrmidons, whom we ought to cherish as the apple of our eye; yet, all the time of the late war, they were most barbarously treated, even as if they had not been of the race of mankind, but a sort of vermin fit to be rooted out; for, what by their evil treatment on board ship, and frequent turning over without pay, the unjust pricking them Run' and being harrassed with the uncertainty of payments, many thousands of these poor wretches and their families have been des

leave their native country, and betake themselves to foreign service, or, which is worse, turn pirates.

Trade has ever been the universal mistress of mankind, courted and caressed by all civil-troyed, and great numbers constrained to ized nations, many bloody wars having been carried on by those that have been rivals for her favour; for she never fails to bestow invaluable blessings upon her admirers, being always attended with riches, honour, power, and all other earthly blessings.

Those nations that obtained her favour, and have not had the wisdom and prudence to retain her, we see have grown weak and despiseable, and lain exposed a prey to other nations, which appears to be the present case of Spain.

Our forefathers enjoyed a large share of her favour, which they carefully handed down to us; but we, like unthrifty and undutiful children, have been so far from following their footsteps, that we have been, as appears by our actions, great enemies to trade, and used all manner of violence to make her fly the nation, wherein she had long cohabited with us, and seemed unwilling to depart, till our continual acts of violence were such as they grew insupportable; so that she has now taken her flight into the neighbouring nations, viz. Holland* and Ireland, by whom she is highly caressed, and not like to return in haste; and, unless she do return, we can expect no other than to be a miserable people, land itself having a dependence upon trade, and rises or falls as that ebbs or flows.

Bus, before we can expect that, it is necessary to be known what way and means it

was we took to make her desert us: unless we do so, we can never expect her return; for she is coy and nice, and will not bear the least affront, but cleave to those who treat her best.

The first ill-usage, trade appears to have met withal from us, was at the breaking out of the late war. Ever since, all manner of persons, things, or matters, that have had relation to, or were interested in trade, have been evil treated by those whose immediate duty it was to have encouraged and protected them.

It is well known our ships (under God) are

* The Dutch having grown rich by the late war, and improved themselves eight millions; they are a wise people, and, among themselves, strict observers of justice, never suffering any to grow great out of the ruins of the public; as sir William Temple well observes in his Memoirs, and which is the true cause of the flourishing condition of their state.

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This evil treatment of the poor sailors, though in itself highly wicked, seems to have been one of the least of the crimes committed in the government, tending to the destruction of trade; for it appears, there were articles brought into the house of peers (the highest court of judicature in the nation) against the lords of the Admiralty, the commissioners of the navy, and the commissioners for the sick and wounded seamen, by one Mr. Crosfield, in the year 1694.

Upon which, their lordships examined divers witnesses at the bar of the house, and were very zealous in the matter; but it seems the articles were drawn out of the house, by the commissioners for stating the public accounts, who never proceeded therein, though their lordships issued out two successive orders for them so to do; but for your better satisfaction, and that posterity may see the wickedness of the age, I here give you a true copy of those articles, and which are as followeth:

Article 1. That the present commissioners for sick and wounded seamen, and exchanging prisoners at war (depending on the Admiralty) not regarding instructions or the good of the government, have committed gross enormities; as holding or conniving at an unlawful correspondence with the French, and wronging both the king and subject in their accounts, with other great miscarriages: all which has been, about a year since, laid in writing, before the secretary of state, by one Mr. Baston, and, by the king's cominand, examined

* For the first five years of the war, it appears, we were seldom free from an embargo upon shipping; few or no ships were allowed to sail, till they got protections or permits, to the great charge of the merchants, and damage to trade in general; as little care was taken to protect our shipping, not any one person having been so much as appointed to examine seacommanders journals, all the time of the late war; but they were left to their own genius, to act and do as they pleased: and thus, by the lords of the admiralty's, and commissioners of the navy's wise conduct, and prudent management of affairs, we lost above a hundred ships of war, with many hundreds of merchantmen, to the great honour of the nation.

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getting into Brest: it having been declared by the house, the government had timely notice given, whereby the said fleet might have been intercepted.

before the lords of the Admiralty, &c. And it will appear, that the said commission has been very injurious to the poor sailors in particular, and very detrimental to the government in general.

Art. 2. That the lords of the Admiralty and commissioners of the navy have acted contrary to the public good, by countenancing, supporting, and preferring criminals; and on the contrary, persecuting the discoverers, and turning just men out of their offices.

Art. 3. That their lordships have had great discoveries laid before them of embezzlements, and other great frauds committed in the king's yards, attended with forgery and perjury.

Art. 4. That it is manifest, some of the commissioners of the navy have, in that office, advanced themselves from salaries of thirty pounds per annum, to vast estates, having passed great frauds, and totally discouraged the discovery of embezzled stores, to the great waste of the public treasure.

Art. 5. That it has been a long practice in the navy, to make out false tickets and powers, suspending and delaying the poor sailors in their just payments, to the general discouragement of them, and starving their families.

The commissioners of the post-office appear to have as much contributed towards the ruin of their country, as any persons living, having all along supported their officers in all their evil actions, as corresponding with known Papists, and others disaffected to the government, stopping the king's mail, breaking open persons of quality's letters, all along countenancing and supporting a smuggiing trade, by bringing in the mail, and otherways, vast quantities of Flanders lace, &c. Being resolved, it seems, to make as plentiful an harvest as they could, so long as the war lasted. Withal, they were not wanting to use all indirect means to ruin such of their officers, or others, that detected the crimes.

All these matters relating to the foregoing articles, and the commissioners of the postoffice, were long since published in print, by divers hands, wherein a more large and ample account has been given of them; and they were dedicated and presented to our late representatives in parliament, who took no more notice thereof, than if these things had been acted and done in the Great Mogul's country. Moreover, there appears to have been laid before our late representatives many other matters of the greatest importance:

First, In reference to the Toulon squadron

Indeed, these gentlemen have since been very instrumental in causing a late act to be made, the better to prevent the bringing in foreign boue-lace; as likewise have been the lords of the Admiralty, and commissioners of the navy, in procuring an act to prevent the embezzlement, and stealing his majesty's naval stores; and therein they have done wisely, when the seed is stolen, to shut the stable-door.

Secondly, In relation to the Mint, it did appear to the house, the moneyers in the Tower had committed foul crimes, and that several dyes had been conveyed away for coining false money abroad.

Thirdly, In reference to the disbanded troopers, that served in Ireland and Flanders, who, by their petition, appear to have been most barbarously treated, contrary to his majesty's express commands.

Fourthly, In reference to the evil actions of the commissioners of the Victualling-Office.

Fifthly, In relation to the 27 sail of victuallers being taken by the Dunkirkers; the house having declared, the lords of the Admiralty had timely notice given them, whereby they might have prevented their falling into the enemies

hands.

These, with a multitude of other matters, that lay before the house, were dropped by our late representatives, who took no manner of care to do the people justice :* indeed, the house appeared very zealous in the prosecution of Mr. Duncomb, who, as they alledged, wronged the king of about 360l. by the false endorsement of exchequer bills; though, at the same time, it plainly appeared, the king and kingdom had been wronged, by means of the treasury, to the value of 20,000l. in relation to the exchequer bills. Yet, all they did, therein, was to take care how to wash them white; and, while the war was on foot, our late representatives seemed to be very zealous for an act to be made against the buying and selling of employments; but, when once we

* Sad it is to consider, how all complaints of abuses done in the government have been stilled, for want of a committee of grievances, according to our ancient laws and customis, to be sitting, during the session of parliament, to hear the grievances of the people; which, it is plain, was not done all the time of the late war.

The public treasure, in all ages and nations, has ever been accounted as sacred as the king's person; and those that have been found to purloin, waste, or mispend the same, have been severely chastised; and if it must be acknowledged, as every man will do, who is not a professed atheist, we are obliged by the dictates of nature, and that holy religion we profess, to do all such acts as tend to the good and benefit of mankind in general. What ground of fear then can any man have, that lays open public crimes, in order to their being examined in a judicial manner? And, if the law, which favours and countenances the act, shall not be able to protect him, ntle reason can any man have to flatter himself of being secure, the pub

lic

peace and tranquility not being loug to be maintained by any other means, than a due administration of justice.

had obtained an honourable peace, they soon dropped the matter, as conceiving the people then better able to bear their pack, than they were before. There is a matter, wherein it appears, the king has been wronged several thousand pounds, that was designed to have been laid before the late house of commons; but the gentleman, who intended to have done it, was dissuaded from doing it, by a member of the house, who plainly told him, of all their members, they could not make above 100 or 110 at most, in the whole house, that seemed to have any regard to the welfare of the nation: saying, one had one employment, another another, touch one and touch all, and said they did and would support one another; and so by all means advised him to decline it. Now I conceive, it is obvious, by what means, and by whom, the trade of the nation has been brought to so low an ebb, and so many public debts contracted, by the consequence of which, many thousands of honest industrious families, in London, &c. are reduced to extreme poverty, at the same time, not knowing the true cause from whence their evils have risen. These things are very harsh to flesh and blood, when we consider how all our calamity appears to have been brought upon us, by those very persons, in whose hands we entrusted our lives, liberties, and estates.

We find king David complained he could not do the justice he would have done, the sons of Zeruiah were too strong for him; no wonder then, if we see our prince under the same circumstance, who has had so many sons of Zeruiah to deal withal, who were sensible of the great interest they and their friends had in the several corporations, and how they were able thereby to support one another in whatever they should act or do, and put it out of the power of any, even the king himself, to call them to an account for their actions. It is evident, ours is a mixed government, wherein the people have a large share; and if we will not act our part, in reference to the chusing

* Vide England's Calamities discovered, sold by Fox, in Westminster-hall, &e.

of members of parliament, great pity it is we should ever be relieved, but remain as

we are.

By this, we may see what a great duty there lies upon all gentlemen that live in, or near any corporation and the principal inhabitants thereof, to inform the meaner sort of people therein (who, in most corporations, have votes) the absolute necessity there is of chusing gentlemen of good estates to be their representatives, as have not been in any (or long since declined) public employment, during the late war, there being no other means possible, whereby to make them sensible of these past miscarriages, or we to have such members, as will be able to rectify them, and do the king and kingdom justice; public leaks being not to be stopped by the hands that made them.

It is sufficient to make any Englishman blush, to consider how strenuously, our forefathers withstood those who made a breach of the law, and how indifferent and careless we appear to have been therein, ever since the late happy Revolution, not at all considering, how mankind are generally more liable, and in greater danger of being ruined by the falshood and treachery of friends, than open enemies; and that those who laythe foundation of great estates, for the most part, raise themselves by fraud, oppression, and injustice. And how in all ages they that were in public employments, or ambitious of honour and preferinent, likewise generally have been found too ready to abuse their prince's ear, and trample the laws under their feet.

We may see by the bishop of Salisbury's pastoral letter, burnt by the common hangman, what sycophants these sort of men are, who care not what evils they bring upon the rest of mankind, so they may but advance themselves; and weeds commonly are apt to grow so fast, as to overtop the corn.

Thus, sir, have I given you a short relation of such matters of fact which plainly appear, as I conceive to have been the true cause, all the blood and treasure spent in the late war, for want of justice, in a manner has been lost, like water spilt on the ground.

war,

+ Those gentlemen, that have been in pub- Our trade being in great measure ruined, lic employments, have had great opportunity and the nation miserably plunged in debt, and to execute their malice against them that de- in danger of being involved in a new tected or publicly laid open their crimes, and about the succession of Spain, in which (accordhave not been wanting to use all arts and meansing to the present circumstance, and managewhereby to bring them to ruin; by which means, several honest ingenuous gentlemen have died through grief, and many others through grief and want; and who may all truly be said to have died martyrs for their country.

Whatever Englishman duly considers, how great and glorious the actions of his majesty have been, and to what hazard he exposed his royal person for our sakes, and the great things he has done for us, cannot but be moved with grief and anger, to see how unfaithful, in his absence, he has been served, and his people oppressed.

ment of affairs, we are in no condition to engage: so you may see the fatal consequence that attends the actions of men, when they leave the paths of virtue, and go along with the multitude to do evil. I am, sir, his majesty's

* It is hoped the citizens of London and Westminster, who correspond with all parts of the kingdom, will be so just to themselves, their king and country, as forthwith to send this and other things of the like nature, to the several corporations, for it will be as they make their choice, we may conclude, we shall be either happy or miserable.

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