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lieve, that France would be in no better condition than it was before, because the duke of Anjou would forget his father's house, and be governed only by Spanish counsels; yet the contrary was evident at the time those gentlemen delivered that petition. They saw that the Milanese was delivered up to her; that the strong holds of the Spanish Netherlands, which we have a long time reckoned the bulwark of England, and have spent vast treasure and blood to keep them out of her hands, were all in the possession of her troops: and not only so, but that the administration of all the affairs of Spain were given up to her.

der how they might be secured, and by what governors; to make the best provision that was possible for defending Milan; and (which has been a long time one of the high reaches of her ambition) to get into a quiet possession of all the strong holds in Flanders. Besides this, there was another inestimable benefit which she reaped by the quiet that was indulged her. Whilst those who a long time checked her growing greatness, patiently endured this new union of power; what could the other nations of the world think, but that this unconcernedness proceeded either from an inward satisfaction that France had acquired such power, or a deBesides this, they saw how great a breach spair of breaking it, and restoring the balance has been made in the Protestant religion since again? The natural consequence of either rethe beginning of the last age: that the king-flection must be to resolve that it was their indom of Bohemia, which was almost wholly terest to submit, and indeed to make their Protestant, is now entirely Popish: that in Po- court to a power which was likely to meet with land, Austria, and Moravia, the Protestants, no opposition. It was this that made the Spawho were a moiety of the people, are utterlyniards, and the people of their provinces, tamedestroyed: that their destruction is almost com- ly suffer one of the house of Bourbon, which pleated in Hungary: that the Newburghers they hated, to take possession of their domifrom zealous Protestants, are turned deadly nions: it was this made other states enter into enemies of the Protestant religion: that the Pa- neutralities and alliances, which they would latinates are wasted with persecution, and the have refused, had not the quiet and peaceable Saxons their neighbours are so far from being conduct of others governed their inclinations. able to succour them, that they are in danger Having once fixed their resolutions, it is to be from their own prince: that in France, where feared we shall find them adhere too obstinatethey were powerful enough to carry on several ly to what they have engaged to France, and great civil wars; and in Piedmont, where their resolved with themselves. If honour be not numbers were much greater in proportion to sufficient to influence them, and keep them the countries; and in Flanders, Bavaria, Bam- steady to the side they have chosen, even inburgh, Cologn, Wartzburgh, and Worms, where terest may help to do it now; for the notions they were very numerous, their religion is to- of that alter, when men have new modeller tally extinguished. All this was a very melan- their thoughts, and let their heads run upon choly view; and that which made it more so, other schemes. was to consider that France (which out of regard to her own interest, the greatest and indeed only obligation in the world to her, was obliged by all means possible to destroy the northern heresy, she having made this the foundation on which she built her hopes of universal monarchy) was now in a new friendship and alliance with the fiercest zealots of the Church of Rome, the Spanish clergy, men whom it was her business to gratify, and whom she could not gratify more, than by contriving severer methods to torture and destroy heretics.

In such a juncture as this, it was easy for a very weak capacity to see what it imported England to do in order to secure her own and Europe's liberties, and to prevent the utter extirpation of the Protestant religion both at home and abroad. It was evident that France, which had made such advances already, wanted nothing to make sure of the universal monarchy, but only to confirm herself in the dominions of Spain; and as evident it was that every day she continued unmolested in her new acquisitions, her strength must grow prodigiously, so that in a little time it must be insupportable. In that case she had leisure and opportunity to settle her new dominions, to discover the weakness of their fortresses, as well as policy, and to repair both; to learn the temper of the several provinces, and to consi

In that great juncture, when the season was for making the earliest and best provision for securing the liberties of Europe, the eyes of the world were all fixed upon England. It was she who had always kept the balance; and she only having it now in her power to determine whether it should be preserved or no, other nations were to observe her motions, and take their measures from her. None could doubt, that if she had entered betimes into a firm league with the Emperor and Hol land, it would have presently produced a confederacy strong enough to humble France, which was grasping at things much beyond the reach of her power, in that feeble and weak condition she was reduced to by a long war and evil conduct. It was therefore undoubtedly the business of English ministers to adyise the calling of a parliament, immediately upon the news of the Spaniard's death, and of the parliament to address the king to make Alliances. Had this been done, Portugal would have thought it her interest rather to enter into alliances with them, than make herself a party in establishing the throne of the duke of Anjou, who when he is established and made one with France, will certainly set up his title to Portugal. The duke of Savoy then would have considered, that it was by means of the equilibrium between the house of Aus

tria and France, that his ancestors preserved Things being in this state, it is very plain their dominions; he would have considered that the gentlemen of Kent had a great deal of likewise, whether it was worth his while to reason to pray the house of commons to have make his sons beggars, or soldiers of fortune, a regard to the voice of the people, that our for the sake of aggrandizing his daughter. religion and safety might be effectually proThis will be the acquisition of his battles if vided for, and that his majesty by supplies they be successful; for when the Milanese, might be enabled to assist his allies. The and both the Sicilies are in the hands of voice of the people was then every where loud France, his dominions will be necessary to her for war; there was scarce any so weak as that for communication. The Pope then probably they could not see that no provision could be would have reflected on the affair of the made for our religion or safety without it. It Corsi, the extension of the Regale, the was manifest that France, after she had been four propositions advanced at Paris, and all a while settled in her new dominions, would the enormous attempts against the dignity of be able to overcome Holland whenever she the head of the Church in the person of Pope pleased. Holland being over-run, it was easy Innocent 11, and would perhaps have declared to see that England being spoiled of her trade for the emperor, had he had such encouragement by that revolution, and the union of the two to do it. Nor is it improbable that the repub-great kingdoms, must soon follow her fate.lic of Venice would do the same; she could The French party indeed told us, and (which hardly avoid considering betimes that the among other things occasioned some reflecneighbourhood of France proved so fatal to tions) the house of commons seemed to some her in the small number of years that Lewis to be of their opinion, that our security might 12 enjoyed Milan, that he reduced her to be sufficiently provided for by a good fleet. It greater extremities than any other war, even was a very fond opinion to imagine that we, that of the Turks, ever did. A consideration who in conjunction with Holland were the last so powerful with that wise republic, that war insulted upon our own coasts by the fleet though the vast power of the house of Austria of France, and another time had probably under the emperor Charles 5, might have been ruined by them, had not the Heavens given her just grounds of jealousy, she would been favourable to us, should be able, after never lend her ear to any proposition of the loss both of our trade, and the assistance Francis 1, successor to Lewis 12. Had things of the Dutch, to maintain a fleet big enough to been upon a right foot in England, it is very secure us from a power so exorbitant as that probable that the duke of Bavaria, and his of France would then be. A powerful fleet brother the archbishop of Cologn, would have are words that sound plausibly in the mouths remembered the obligations laid upon them, at of those people, who are for having our arms least their own interest; and that the former to be as little grievous as may be to France, would have taken measures which would make and they serve to amuse and impose upon the war much easier than it will be. In that weak people; but men of understanding must case the people of Spain, and their provinces, allow this to be a very uncertain security. would, if they did no more, keep up their old This was the only provision for our safety, resentments against France, which in a conve- which the parliament for a long time seemed nient season would render them very useful to inclined to allow us. the confederates. The Germans would consider what danger they were in of having a prince, grown so great by the accession of the Spanish dominions, carry his arms into Germany, where he has great footing already, and challenge all the states which compose that great nation as part of the succession of Charlemaign, of which he and other kings of France have already declared themselves heirs. In this case some (as the chapter of Cologn seems very lately to have done) would consider that in an hereditary empire, there would be no more colleges, nor diets, nor chapters: others, that it is a vain thing to dispute about prerogatives, and to make France judge of the dispute, whose arbitration must turn to the ruin of the empire. And the result of these reflections, would be to enter into measures agreeable to them.-These probably had been the resolutions of those foreign states, at least of some of them, had not the management of England discouraged them to that degree, that they must arraign themselves of rashness and folly, if they had taken those measures which they knew were most for their interest.

Whatever matter was offered that seemed to have the least tendency to a war, was violently opposed by the Sp--ker, Mu----ve, Sey--r, Sho-r, Fi--ch, H-w, Ha--rt, and all those who were entirely in the interest of that party. This aversion they plainly discovered in the beginning of the session, when on the 14th of February, immediately after the king had made his speech, they came to the resolu tion, to stand by and support his majesty's government, and take such effectual measures as may best conduce to the interest and safety of England, the preservation of the Protestant religion, and the peace of Europe. We cannot but remember what debates arose upon this last clause, and with what difficulty it was carried by 181 against 163; and that the reason why it was opposed was, because it was plainly declaring for a war. Here it was that the prejudices began against that party in the h--se, and this laid the foundation for the great suspicions that followed afterwards. It was amazing to all those who could discover no possible means to preserve us but by a vigorous war, to see such a great number of

the representatives of the freemen of England, labouring for that which of all things in the world France most desired, and would give any money for. Nor was this the voice of that party in the h--se alone, but all without doors who were of their faction, and all who had any biass to France, or the Saint Germain family, were every where industrious and noisy in decrying a war, and setting forth the inconveniences of it. But that which gave the melancholiest reflection of all, was to find that those who were thought to have the sole direction of public affairs, were in the same sentiments.

These spoke their minds freely upon that subject, as we have been told, so did their friends; and the saying of one gentleman in a great station to count Vratislau the emperor's minister, ought to be remembered: what their | sense was, the author of the three essays told us before the parliament sat; the manner of his expressing it speaks it to be published with their allowance, and those who know his conversation with them, were persuaded it was. If any among us (says he) seem at present willing to embrace peaceful counsels, and to decline entering upon immediate action; it is not that they doubt themselves, or dread the adverse strength, or that their antient enmity to France is buried in oblivion. They are not so apprehensive of coping with any foreign strength, as they arc fearful they shall be compelled to enter into fresh conflicts with the enemies of England, whom they had almost subdued, &c. Their ears can never endure the cries of the poor for want of work, &c.* It is a monstrous tenderness and compassion, which can endure rather to see popery and slavery display their banners in this land, than to behold the calamities which a new war must bring upon their country. If he can see how they can be kept out without a war, he sees things in quite another light than what any honest Englishman does. One would think he thought but slightly of the calamities of a war, when he tells us, that one of the greatest things to be dreaded in it is, that it will bring those men into play again, who never gave us the least suspicion of their being in any other interest than that of their country. It is very easy to perceive what his designs are, both in running down those men, and labouring to give us a dismal idea of a war: but he and his friends tell us, that his book shews him to be plainly for a war. It was cunning in him to say something, for fear of falling under the rage of an injured nation; and it was policy to grant him a dispensation to do it, lest by being too plain in handling an odious subject, he might put it out of his power to do any service for the future. He seems sometimes to write for a war, but (which shewed his inclination) voted against it amongst the 161: he ought indeed, he said, to do other wise, but Ja--k H--w smiled so pleasantly

* Essays upon Balance of Power, &c. page 80, 81, 82.

In another, he is

upon him, that he could not divide against him. When he speaks for a war, it is very coldly, and in other places he takes care to destroy the force of what he said; in one place he tells us, That we can reap little from a war, but the perils and losses with which it is like to be attended.' This is but a small encouragement to it. afraid such a debt will be at last contracted,' and most of it abroad, as in time must impoverish and sink England †. What then must we do? Why, all Englishmen ought seriously to consider this reflection which Machiavel makes, That when a prince or commonwealth arrives at that height of reputation, that no neighbour, prince, or people, dares venture to invade him (unless compelled by indispensable necessity) he may do what he pleases 1. In all probability, says he, the French are now arrived to this formidable pitch of greatness, unless the Spaniards shew more courage than has appeared in any measures they have taken these last hundred years. If this be so, that the power of the French is grown too great to be resisted, and we have no hopes but from the Spaniards taking good measures, we are in a very miserable condition. But hold, he shews us some hopes yet. If they can so prevail, as to make their young prince become a good Spaniard; if they can divide him from French counsels-if the quiet reception he is like to find, make French counsels, and French supports no longer necessary to him, those fears will be somewhat allayed, which we now labour under, but are there any hopes that it will be so? Yes, sure, very great; he gives us promising hopes of his person, and that a martial young prince, if he be endowed with any share of his grandfather's conduct and wisdom, may put Spain in a better condition than it has lately been, to oppose France in any attempts it may hereafter make upon the liberties of Europe.

O wonderful contrivance to serve his masters, and persuade England to lay aside all thoughts of war! Could be expect to do it by such little fetches as these, to scare a great and warlike people with his paltry representations of the power of France, or to lull a wise nation asleep with such a silly prospect of security? Yet this is one of the great machines which count Tallard the chief French engineer in England has made use of, not only to bomb great ministers, and every thing he has a mind to reduce to ashes, but to batter down all the strong holds and fortresses of our religion and liberties. This is he that is caressed by the great men of our own court; this is he that is employed to teach young gentlemen the business of the nation; who is to tell them in print a little before the session begins, what they are to do the next session. If this be our condition, that the weighty affairs of the kingdom must be managed by senators, who are to learn their wisdom from such a wretch as this, in charity

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we ought to pray for them, in the language of our Saviour, forgive them, for they know not what they do; but for ourselves, in those which we write over the doors of pest-houses, Lord have mercy upon us. If he, who in times of the greatest danger, when it most nearly concerned France to try the power of her gold in England, has been highly courted by her Tallard, and given very great demonstrations of his zeal to gratify the ambition of that kingdom, can make himself an interest, not only to be protected in his insolencies, but to be courted likewise by a party, and besides all this, to have the honour conferred upon him, of being made the leader of the blind; it is easy to see what in a short time must be our doom: that between the management and conduct of men of too much intrigue, and too little understanding, we must fall under the dominion of French tyranny and popery. This the Kentish gentlemen thought they had reason to fear, would be the effect of the measures taken by our parliament, before they offered their petition. To descend to the particulars of their proceedings, which brought them under the so universal censure and displeasure of the people, would be too invidious an undertaking, and raise this little discourse to a much greater bulk than I designed. My intention is only to shew, that the gentlemen had reasons to offer their petition at that time. If one or two good ones are sufficient to justify them, and they may be taken notice of without any great offence, I must desire my reader to rest satisfied with my mentioning them. Matters that are nicer, and will not so well bear touching, I leave to be handled by men of more penetration, whose fears (I will not say concern) for the public are greater perhaps than mine are. If those petitioners were really persuaded that French gold had any influence in the management of public affairs, it was a sufficient reason for them to endeavour by such a petition, either to make the ho-se of com-s take other measures, or to dispose the other parts of the kingdom to follow their example. That they were of this persuasion, we have very good reasons to believe. We know what one of the five gentlemen said in a very public place, some weeks before the petition was offered, to sir Fr-cis Ch-ld, a member of parliament, concerning the inclination of the house of c- s to serve the French king. It is not probable that that gentleman would have been so bold to speak openly, to a member who was intirely in the interest of that party which he suspected, words which the other called seditious, if he had not reckoned it a service he owed his country, in a very great and dangerous crisis. About the time they petitioned, this suspicion was grown so universal, that what a gentleman told sir Ed--rd Sey-r in Hampshire, near the time the parliament rose, that we were bought and sold, was the voice of the people every where. This jealousy must run very high, and there must sure be good grounds for it, when a very great lord could say,

in a very august assembly, just two days after that petition was delivered, that some things that were done, shewed that there was Fr-ch money in the case. But this was not all. Those gentlemen saw, as I observed before, that not only all the leading men of that party, which bore sway in the ho-se of com-ns, but some leading men in the nation likewise, used all possible endeavours to drive people from the thoughts of war. This those gentlemen, and the bulk of the people, thought the greatest service that could be done to France, and that the certain consequence of that would be, that in a little time we must be content with what religion, what liberty, and what trade France would be pleased to allow us. This being their sense of things, it was a sufficient reason for them to do what they did. What a happy nation should we be, if others would imitate them in their zeal, and virtuous concern for the public! Now is the time for Englishmen to shew themselves. Things are brought to the highest crisis that ever was seen in Europe. France plainly designs the universal monarchy: it is war only can determine, whether she shall have it or no. If she prevail, our fate is manifest; we must come under the dominion of French popery and tyranny. If she miscarry, the misery and devastation which she will bring into her kingdom, will be greater than, perhaps, she may be ever able to surmount. In this case England will not only continue in possession of her religion and liberties, but become the greatest nation in this western world. What our fate shall be, depends upon our management now. It is plain, that without a war we are undone, so we may be with it, if those who have the management of public affairs, should happen to be in the interest of the abdicated family, or common enemy, or should be under the old prejudices against the Dutch which were bred in the late reigns. We know what suspicions, we have had, and what grounds there were for them; this makes it absolutely necessary, that the nation represent itself anew. It would be very surprizing to see the present par-nt sit again, when a great party in it has given such umbrage to the nation; when they were thought (as far as it was possible for them to venture, without plainly discovering themselves, and becoming too notorious) to do all that France could desire to have done. If their conduct throughout the session was such as made it evident, that their address to the king, towards the latter end, was only designed to prevent their dissolution, or secure their election if they should be dissolved; it would be as strange to see this par-nt continue, as it will be to see some chosen again, if it should be dissolved. It is upon that election the fate of England depends: if care be taken to chuse persons, who love onr present Protestant settlement, and have no manner of bias to France; or the abdicated family, nothing can prevent the ruin of France, and England's being made a great and flourishing kingdom.

N° XIX.

A General Abstract of the RECEIPTS and ISSUES of the PUBLIC REVENUE, TAXES, and LOANS, during the Reign of his late Majesty King William; that is to say, from the 5th of November 1688, from which Time the Parliament appointed the said Accounts should commence, to the 25th of March 1702; being the first Determination of the Accounts after the Demise of his said late Majesty; which happened on the 8th of March preceding.

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Additional Imposition on Merchandizes, and commenced 1st March 1692-3 to the 1st March 1696, thence to the 1st August 1706

1,801,906 2 91

501,120 2 0

New Duty on Coffee and Tea, &c. and ditto continued for paying Interest of Irish Transports

Additional Duty on Brandy from the 1st March 1693-4

Tunnage Duty from 1st June 1694 and ending 17th May 1696
Duty on Coals taken off 17th May 1696

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Duty on Glass and Earthen Ware as relating to the Coal Act

25 per Cent. French Goods

New Duty on Coals for 5 Years from 15th May 1698

5s. per Tun French Ships, granted 12 Car. IL

22 per Pound East-India Silks

Plantation Duty, granted 25th Ch. II.

Arrears of Additional Impositions on Wine entered in 1639

New Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage for two Years and three quarters
Additional Tunnage and Poundage from January 1699, for his Majesty's Life
Cinders 5s. per Chaldron

15 per Cent. on India wrought Silks and Muslins, granted 11 and 12 William

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£. 13,296,833 14

6

EXCISE.

Hereditary and Temporary Excise Neat

Low Wines, from 24th December 1690

Double Excise from 17th November 1690 to ditto 1691

Additional Excise of 9d. per Barrel, from Michaelmas 1689, appropriated Additional Excise, viz. 9d. per Barrel, determined 24th July 1692, and double 9d. commenced 17th November 1691, ended 17th May

5,918,887 17 4

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381,080 5 91 1,229,727 17 5

Complements of Excise, 24d. per Barrel to 24th July 1692, and 30d. per
Barrel thence to the 17th November 1692

Excise for 99 Years in the Million Fund Act, from 25th January 1692-3
Imp. on Salt from 25th March 1694, 12d. per Bushel, granted 7 William,
joined with Whale Fins, Scots Linnen, &c. granted 9 and 10 William
for 8 Years, from 10th July 1698

9d. Excise, continued from 17th May 1697 for Million Lottery Tickets, thence for 16 Years

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9d. Excise, made Hereditary from 17th May 1697 for the Bank, and An-
nuities for 1, 2, and 3 Lives, in lieu of 5-7ths and 3-7ths Tunnage
Duty on Malt, from 20th April 1697

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Additional Duty on Salt of 8d. from 25th March 1697 to 25th Dec. 1699 20d. per Bushel Salt from 1st July 1698 (for the East India Company) and &d, from 25th December 1699 ·

103,191 16 3

276,474 12 6

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