succours upon occasion, from the protestant till both they and the king were thoroughly princes of this powerful monarchy.-Though acquainted with those who were to be trusted what has been hitherto said, does sufficiently with commissions of such an high concern; justify all the proceedings of the king, and late but it being impossible they should understand parliament, to the satisfaction of all such as their real temper, while all things were as yet are but impartial men, and not disaffected to on float, no wonder if they deferred the settling the present government; yet because some of the militia, till the hearts of men were men seem discontented at two things not done known to be first settled, which time only by the late parliament, and which they think could inform them of. As to the act of inought not to have been omitted, as being un-demnity, it is clear there was little or no incopdoubtedly of no small consequence for the veniency to defer it for a while; for since it public concerns, and peace of the nation; it relates mostly to such as have been guilty of may not be amiss in this place, to clear all irregularities, and illegal proceedings in the their scruples upon these two heads, viz. late reign, where is the harm if the governWhy the late parliament neither settled the ment keep them somewhat in awe, by deferrmilitia of the kingdom, nor passed the act of ing their pardons to more settled times, lest indemnity, though earnestly pressed to it by they might prove ringleaders to new changes, the king, in order to the quieting of people's if they were not checked by the fear of the minds. As to what relates to the settling the punishment their past crimes deserve? for it is militia of the kingdom, it is to be considered, a groundless reflection to say, that the not that how necessary soever it may seem to be, it passing of the act of indemnity encourageth was neither perhaps possible as then things them to do their utmost endeavours towards stood, nor expedient to settle it, by reason of the bringing in of king James again, since it is the uncertain, and unknown disposition of clear to all men acquainted with the present most men's minds at first, in all great and sud- posture of his majesty's affairs, both at home den revolutions, but more especially in such and abroad, that they must needs despair of an extraordinary and unprecedented one as ever being secure, if they hope for no security ours was; for since our greatest strength con- till king James is settled upon his abdisists in our militia, can any man of sense think, cated throne again; and may not I be allowor say, it was either fit, or secure, in the then ed to say, that to judge of things to come, by posture of our affairs, to deliver up the very the present temper of the nation, they are in bulwark of the nation, into the hands of such no danger at all, or at least not so great as high officers, as the lieutenants of the militia some would have them apprehend it to be, are in England, till it was better known if those because of the great moderation the governwho were fit for such places, were really men ment has hitherto shewn, and will undoubtedly of such a temper, as the present government shew hereafter, to all such as are willing to might trust to, and rely upon : for extraordinary comply with the present, that is the protestant revolutions of state being much of the nature interest, in opposition to popery, and the of the great waters, tossed to and fro by bois- French king's designs against our properties, terous winds, do always require some time be- and liberties, if by the help of the Irish papists, fore they are settled again in such a calm, as and other male-contents, he were enabled to may encourage both private men to follow conquer us. But to mention here another their former measures, and likewise those who pressing particular, relating to this subject, sit at the helm to undertake, and prosecute since it is well known, that at the sitting down the fittest methods for securing themselves, of the late parliament, the king, by the advice, and the people under their government, from yea, and earnest request too of our late reprenew dangers and storms, always to be feared sentatives, entered into a necessary war against after a sudden and unexpected calm, as ours France on the one hand, and against the Irish was: we were under such a dismal cloud of papists in Ireland on the other hand, I would imminent and threatening dangers, a little be- fain know from any not designing man, what fore the heavens cleared up from the Dutch was fittest to be done in this case, was the Coast, that we do wonder at this very day, to time to be trifled away with the settling of the see ourselves escaped such an unavoidable militia, and passing an act of indemnity, beshipwreck, as we thought ourselves then expos- fore any supplies had been granted his majesty, ed to; but it is not enough that we are got on for maintaining this kingdom, and his subjects shore, and a Terra Firma to stand upon, unless against the formidable French king's fleets at by looking nearer into the matter, we consider sea, and his Irish forces at land, commanded by seriously with ourselves, how to maintain our the late king James in Ireland? sure all men ground, and settle what we have done upon a of sense must needs confess, that this princisure foundation; for as our late happy revolu- pal was first to be minded before any such action was a real one, how odd soever, and un-cessories, as undoubtedly these were, in that looked for, so considering how easily men change their resolutions, and because it might be immediately succeeded by an unhappy one after the like manner, it was a piece of great prudence in our late representatives, not to be over hasty in settling the militia of the nation, juncture of our affairs. Now it is methinks evident, that the ordering the sinews of great warlike preparations both by sea, and by land, then, as now so necessary, could not but take up a great deal of time, especially when the money is to be levied, in due proportion, upon all the chief subjects of the nation; the votes, and such other like methods used in necessary debates upon such occasions, about parliament, upon all matters of a general, and the sum itself to be raised, upon what, and national concern. To conclude: notwithstandthe manner how it is to be gathered, are ing all that I have said, grant it was expedient, things of such a nature, as cannot be done though I have sufficiently proved it was not, on a sudden, whatever men's endeavours may to settle the militia of the kingdom, and pass be to bring them in a short time to a period. the act of indemnity, before any thing else; The late transactions of the last parliament, these so much talked of omissions are both besides the nature of the thing itself, are evi- inconsiderable in themselves, since we smart dent proofs of what I do here affirm, to all not yet for them, and not at all dangerous such as understand any thing in affairs of this in their consequences, which if really hurtkind, never done in England, otherwise than ful, may be easily prevented by the next parby meetings, conferences, committees, debates, liament. No The STATE of Parties, and of the Publick, as influenced by those Parties in this Conjuncture, offered to Englishmen. Printed about the Year 1692.* 'TIS a miserable circumstance, and the general ruin of prosperous States, when Parties out of separate interests and passions pursue different ends of their own, without regard to the publick, although the chief interest of each: but it is a circumstance beyond common misery, a propensity to ruin more than natural, and a fatality on mankind, greater than has been ever observed perhaps in any country or set of men, that they should be divided into Parties from the public interest, when there is not so much as any real particular interest, in effect, carrying on in any of those different parties; not any of these discriminating interests so laid, or so pursued, as that, by all the violent steps taken by the engagers, they are any ways advanced. So that although violence be done, and still doing perpetually to the public; though all contend for the promotion of that Interest or Party under which they only look for any happiness: yet for all this, not one of these Interests receive any advantage; not one of these Parties are likely to procure or come any thing near their end. Our nation must be allowed to be in a most compleat way to misery, if this be proved their case.--That there are Parties it is well known. The first great division is between king William and king James, which takes in all our present active men: for as for Commonwealths-men, which some would have to be a third distinction, besides the turn it serves at court, it has no meaning; unless the quiet part of England, those tired with revolutions, and farther engagements with men of these days, or those that are divided in their thoughts upon the interests of either king, as they stand to England; unless, I say, these be they called Commonwealths-men, however ab *State Tracts, published during the reign of William III. vol. ii. p. 208. VOL. V. Appendix, surd it be. Of these two Interests, that of king James does properly make but one party, though the other two. Those, I say, make but one party, as they act in the public: for they having in prospect only, and 25 the end of all their agitations, the government of king James; they are not now divided, nor can be yet, whilst unprevailing, in any dispute or difference considerable about administration, as how, by whom, or in what methods, favouring one or other Party, that government shall be carried on. The side, then, of the nowgoverning king being turned into Whig and Tory, there are but three parties that pull different ways, or with any noted force in the public affairs.-The meaning of all these men, if they have their main interest, their stake, estate and friends in England, is and must be to preserve England, though not from perfect monarchy, and absolute power of a crown at home (which some approve of and like the best, whatever name of tyranny or slavery it has heretofore gone by) yet to preserve us, at least, from the yoke of foreign power, from being overgrown by States that are about us, and coming down from being the principal in power and riches, to be the last of Europe, or but once inferior to any of these neighbouring ones; which will turn to as much, since it necessarily subjects us to the miseries of those invasions we endured of old, as then the common prey of all the world, and every rising nation. This surely, whatever else may be his interest, is the interest of every individual Englishman, in all these parties to prevent : but if this be what is least done; if this not only be not prevented, but be the only thing that every party, every side, though not intentionally, yet really, does draw on, advance, promote, and nothing else, no not their partyinterest, not any valuable victory or triumpha that one may gain above another, so much as gratifying a passion; then are we in that state I mentioned, in the fairest, most miraculous way that can be thought on to every thing : and the advantage once given up, whatever party do (as they think) their work, it is altogether vain to imagine that any such party, or any party whatsoever prevailing in this nation, or all of them united in one, can call it back, or by any means, arts of state, treaties or eninevitable evil that must light on all at once. And if this be the consequence of all the actings of every one of these parties at present; if, in the seeking of their own ends they are likely not so much to prevail either of them over another, as to reduce us into this state, this irrecoverable consumption and debility, with all the consequences proved; then it will be found that in the methods now taken, they act constantly against, but for no interest that can be called their own.-All men naturally follow their good; and it might be well ob that can be called ruin or destruction to a country. That when we lose our strength, we are more miserable than any other people, the surest seat of the most various, sharp and last-gagements whatsover, be able to turn off that ing war, experience the most remarkable that ever was has taught us, from the highest remembrance of our selves through Romans, Danes, Saxons, and many nations more (though less remarked) down to the last Normans, and that concluding Conquest which by the power of the conqueror abroad, and the continuance of his Line here, established us on our own bottom. And that this was not mere misfortune, but that it is a fate peculiar to us, I mean, that it is a natural evil to us more than any country, when we are low; whoever studies our situation, and the growth of na-jected that it were only a notion, and in effect tions on the continent, will know, that such a country as this is more disputable than any other that the dominion of it cannot be so fixed, and the immediate masters of it, however powerful on the continent, not able to insure to themselves the possession of it, by holding it out against strangers, or guarding it from their enemy, so well as of other places; that this is in that sense as a frontier country; with this difference, that those that are really frontier countries, though they are so this day, may have the luck not to be so a little while after but that this country has always the nature of a Frontier, ever to maintain war in it, and to be the subject and place of contention amongst those that are stronger than itself, whenever such there are.-In fine; That as we are an island, and have the sea round us; so by being masters of that (which is, in short, by being in the practice of it most, and can be no otherwise) we must of consequence be the strongest in the world, as the world is now turned to Navigation, and each country by degrees at length brought to depend absolutely on Trade, by wanting many necessaries from foreign places, which once they could live without perhaps, but since cannot, nor can defend themselves without: this being the change that the improved art of Navigation has made in the world; tying countries to a reciprocal dependency on one another for their growths, and obliging them to some sort of correspondency. But on the other side, that as we are the strongest in situation by being an island, the Dominion of the Sea supposed to be with us: so that being lost to us, and in any other hands, or divided amongst others, we are of all the most and worst exposed. This being granted, it follows, that whatever circumstances of ours admit other nations, foreigners, whatsoever to grow (though at the same time we were granted to grow too) so, as in proportion, above us in Navigation and Trade; this necessarily subjects us to all the miseries before pointed at, and is the direct way leading to a consequence no ways to be evaded: for when that work is done, impossible, that men should act thus, as I say, were it not through ignorance; such as is indeed in our case, the want of a sufficient conception and real sense at heart, of what is the sole safeguard and support of our country; the want of truly considering how matters stand, as to that, and how amidst all, that is likely to be effected, which must (as I have said) affect us at last above every thing else. And such a blindness as this it is that men are kept in by their passions, by the heat of party, and the animosity of personal quarrels, or so that by the resentment of some present uneasinesses, men are hindered from thinking on greater evils at some distance off, and not yet absolutely felt, though just impending.-Now, to charge every Party singly, according to what I have said, and the imputation of inconsist ency that I lay on them; I instance first in those, as to the generality, who carry on king James's interest in their endeavours, and make his party.-First, then, suppose that it were a service to his interest to have us weak at Sea, sunk in our Trade, in loss of seamen, ships, builders, and all materials and arts-men belonging; what would it avail to his friends (if Englishmen, and to no others do I speak) to have him here fixed in his government, nay fixed even with every one's consent here at home, if suddenly we found ourselves thus low? How should we ever regain this loss? How ever come up again with other nations? Will they stand idle, see us take breath, and let us rise; or will they stay for us, and stop so long as till we grow again into our place above them? If not, how shall we avoid the consequences above set down, and taken I suppose for granted, viz. that if we lose the practice of the Sea, we are then revolved again into our old state, mere naked Britons, his that can take us; and (according to the natural and constant practice of mankind) by their station about us, and their then readier access to us than any other place, by lying so fair, and so on all sides open; the assured common prize that every nation fights for, when aiming above others, or when but in the slightest quarrel ?→→→ When once the stroke is given that brings on this condition, when once our Naval Sinews are cut; how is it that king James shall be fixed bere? How is it that either his or any government shall be said to be fixed here with us, when we ourselves, as a people, should then belong to others, or lie at power to belong to them? which, as mankind and states are constituted, is not far different, since power to take, and taking, are in those cases never far asunder; and since Parties are now easily made within a nation considerable enough to serve a turn, and for any invaders to ground upon; and that all Invasions, though as perfectly so as those of Goths or Vandals, can be coloured now with reasons of religion and justice, and as though even for the very benefit of the invaded people. For no countries hardly now are ever conquered but by a force (as Manifesto's and Declarations set forth) intended for their relief and just establishment and the name of Conquest, that comes to be established after full success, is found to have been preceded by, and owe its production to the very names, however dissonant, of Assistance or Deliverance.-In short, if once we are exhausted in a war, so as that our navigating art, and all the means of it, be shared amongst foreigners, and the current of our trade drawn into other channels; which by no art can be retrieved, nor any change of fortune, but by a turn that may give us the advantage that we gave, and when all else are fighting, give us peace; an accident the hardliest to be imagined, since when once weak, we are above all others the surest to feel every dispute, and often like to be the chiefest subject. If this come ever to be our condition, as it is endeavoured to be now made, let any nation whatsoever give us or return us a king; if this be the terms of such a gift (whatever other terms be made) if this be that that is to bring it about, any Englishman will have but a sorry bargain, and such a king will be of little worth to us, or we to him. Grant that the nation we receive him from be not, in the end, upon the account of the lowness we shall be reduced to, left masters at Sea of all the world; and grant that they were not near so by land either; yet of what benefit will this be to us? If any benefit, it will be this, That that way it will not be determined whose we shall be, the other way it will: the one way we are a province, and must serve immediately; the other way we remain to be fought for, and the dispute must be in our own land, perhaps by more than two at once. -If this be right, then, not only they who serve this court in the present way, serve England ill, but they too who serve king James in such a way as is sure to sink us; set any other neighbours over us in Navigation, and do our work as to that business: they, in effect, I say, do nothing for themselves as English men, nothing for king James as an English king. But, then, that these sort are doubly mistaken, appears by this: for that it is not the likeliest way to introduce king James (unless for England to be absolutely conquered by another nation, be the easiest way; and such a Throne, so gained to him, be thought most valuable, and most a throne) because that if, by the nation's choice, he would come in, it can be only when they find an evil in this government greater than they felt in that they changed from, or that they think they would feel by his return; and then only, when the dread of that power, that now supports him, hangs less upon them, and that they can be freed from their jealousy of the king of France's governing by king James. Now, whilst we are losing every day at sea; while the king of France's fleets, and privateers grow, and the terror of this spreads; there can be nothing left to give a more absolute horror of king James than this, and when an invasion comes, to drive the body of the people from an easiness and unconcernedness (which otherwise they would be in towards any such Revolution carrying on) into a very desperation; which will produce the uttermost resistance, when it may be expected they should be forced to yield.-The hint that I have given may shew, I think, how much the common Jacobites are besides their interest. and how well they know to wish as well for their king's particular interest, as for the general interest of their country; and what mighty service they do king James, and disservice to king William, by their common way of talking about the force of France at sea, and their endeavours to give still greater grounds for such terror.-But to come now to the beha viour of the other two Parties that are shut up within that of king William's. Every body knows there are two sorts of men; in each of which, there are such as are engaged to king William's Interest, as absolutely and without reserve, as he has required of them, or can require of them, in any prostitute sense: and yet these two are perpetually opposing one another, and make two sides, which are commonly distinguished by the names of Whig and Tory. According to the too good success that the courtier has had; we see that, notwithstanding any interest that the patriots (as many as there are) can make; and notwithstanding that odium which so many of the court-followers have incurred, yet there is still this fatality, that those continue mainly prevalent in each; those move the herd of both these Parties; those have, in effect, the sway, that are with all that latitude I have said, engaged in the interest of this court: for, whoever calls this court in question; whoever doubts its good intention to English men, to English liberties and government; whoever quotes past Declarations, or instances a present Grievance ; nay, or that in discourse is but luke-warm towards the state; a way is found (and it seldom fails) to make that man ill thought of by the herd, suspected by the vulgar of his party, and shunned as a deserter: for with one Party he is insured a Commonwealth's man, and with the other, a plain Jacobite. For what else should he be, that acts against this government? Thus, with one short question, and that equivocal term of Government, as it is put there, the courtier does his business.-This shews what is understood here by Whig and Tory, meaning as the court is prevalent over both those Parties. And as thus, let us consider how they act; whether as likely to obtain their common end in the support of this government, in the manner it is suffered to be carried on by them; or whether, when that is done, as likely to obtain either of them their separate end (in prospect of which they so assist, and court this government) and as likely to carry their expected advantage over their opposite party. The Tories have it for their end to see the Church established in as high power as ever; to see it freed from the eyesore of Dissenters and fanatics; to remove the ill precedent of Scotland; to set up Episcopacy in such strength as is required by the clergymen themselves, to put them out of fear of every thing; and to have a king governing with as large a prerogative as may be; but still by the means, and under the tuition of such a Church. The Whigs dread such a power in the Church, and are so dissatisfied with what it has of that king already, fearing what may come, that they expect a greater security than is given them at present, that those who are Dissenters from, or under the mark of the Church for being ill friends to it, may never see it in a condition to take its revenge, or give them any disturbance. These men exclaim generally against all Arbitrary Power, but more especially that which the Church would introduce, and their enemies would most profit by. Neither of these two Parties, towards the satisfaction they desire, now go about the making of any new laws, or attempt any alteration in the present Settlement: but their labour is, the gaining of the king, and the getting those of their fraternity (whatever otherwise they be) into the Government. This is the only means by which they, at this time, think to serve their interest. This is the only pledge they now ask for the success of their respective Parties: each promising to themselves that within a little time, or whenever his majesty has made an end of his enemies, he will declare for them, and for the future employ only the men of their stamp. Now, though all this while, according to the methods kept up between these two Parties, the government were like to stand, yet it is ridiculous and foolish what either of these men expect.-We may, I think, be satisfied that (whatever we may expect from any other) this Court is not likely to be at a stand, and rest contented with the allotted Revenue and Prerogative; much less to agree to a diminution of either though there be a considerable party in England that think, and will still think (which will cost the court some opposition) that the Prerogative is at a height in some points very prejudicial to England, and likely to overturn the antient government of it, one time or other; especially, since the no : bility is now so sunk from what it formerly ever was. It must therefore be supposed, that when this general victory is obtained, and king William is established, either he will be as he now is, under the restraint of laws, and parliaments to be struggled with. If it be the first; What is it that will move his fancy towards the Church-men, when under no obligation, to reverse all the Scotish affairs; act contrary to the principle of Holland, and all his Protestant Calvinist acquaintance and relations abroad, and exasperate so great a body as the Dissenters and Whigs here? The Church-men must be wonderfully conceited, and have a strange good opinion of themselves, or a very wrong one of the king's principle and conscience, to think he would be thus serviceable to them out of affection merely. On the other side; if the Court be not (by being fully absolute) freed from these restraints, but be to work its way through, and that the prerogative be in a craving state, and wants to gain upon the people, What can more satisfy it than the present construction of Whig and Tory in parliament? Is there any thing that the court cannot carry? Whereas, if one party were declared for, it would not be so. As to the Whigs, the thing is the same. This ballance that the court has got is too useful, and shall never be departed from (so as that the Whigs shall be a jot more advanced) whilst the court must use a parliament: and if that time once come to be over, though it is not to be thought that the court will ever act for the zealous Church-men according to their expectations, as above mentioned; yet on the other side, to think that then any thing will be done more for the Whigs, for the advancement of their persons, or in favour of their principles, is what the least of all can be imagined, and is the most absurd. Thus, as a Party, not either of them are likely to obtain their ends : but their contention to be still improved against themselves, and they made accessaries in their own private loss; as subject to all the inconveniencies of such a constant feud, without prevailing any thing by it: and, as English men, instead of profiting themselves, they are only like to be made accessaries also in the general public loss, which we shall suffer as a free people, by losing all our privileges ; and as a people, by falling at length under fo reign subjection, and all the miseries that make even that state worse to us than other countries.-But to know this last; Why this Government cannot stand upon its present basis (which it is so unlikely to change) nor the methods succeed that the Parties take to support us by this court against our enemies; why even this is truly impracticable, so as that they will prove in the very utmost disappointed : we must consider what it is that the court does, and intends to do; and what means the Parties approve or admit of in the court, to carry on this war, in order to subdue the enemy, obtain the peace required, and settle Europe, so as that we, with the other States |