tors was the steady course pursued by Cecil. The correspondence of the French ambassador contains particulars of three or four efforts made, about this time, to procure his dismissal. Ridolfi, and the nobles of the papal party, considered it was absolutely necessary, as a preliminary step, "to withdraw out of the hands of the secretary Cecil, and those of his party, the direction of the state-that they might manage the business of the Catholic religion with safety." They succeeded in getting Leicester and others to concur with them in this preliminary design. Leicester, relying on his influence with Elizabeth, openly attacked Cecil's administration, in a conference with the queen; but she at once silenced him by those decisive expressions she used when provoked. Leicester then saw that the attempt was vain, and with his usual fickleness, took an early opportunity to disclose the intrigue to the queen. So decidedly was Elizabeth satisfied respecting the integrity of Cecil, and his value as prime minister, that all the machinations against him were stopped by her interposition, without any open interference on his own part. We are here reminded of the plots against Cranmer, defeated by Henry VIII. The lapse of time has made manifest a circumstance which powerfully aided these popish machinations. There was an earnest desire, on the part of the leading nobility, to regain that power of which the house of Tudor had despoiled the aristocracy. This explains some proceedings which cannot otherwise be accounted for; it also shows how it was that some parties acted so as to counteract each other, being influenced by different motives; and why Leicester and others, high in favour with the queen, at times assisted her foreign enemies, especially in their plots against Cecil. From what was stated at the trial of the duke of Norfolk, two years later, it appears that the plan for his marriage with Mary was first suggested by the earl of Leicester, Elizabeth's favourite, and that it was urged and encouraged by many of the nobility. Such a marriage, by

uniting the first of the nobles with her who was heir to the crown in the opinion of most Protestants, and best entitled to the present possession of the throne in the opinion of all papists, would enable them to limit the power of Elizabeth, or even to dethrone her. It is clear that ambition was the sole cause of Norfolk's proceedings. He had no personal regard for Mary, whom he had never seen, and he had not hesitated to express his conviction of her guilt. He also was one. of those facile characters easily acted upon by others, when plausible reasons are alleged. It is obvious, that the English nobles and the papal powers, though combining against Elizabeth, were not thoroughly united. Mary, however, was the great means of promoting the schemes of both parties, and thus this unhappy queen, herself deeply faulty, was still more mischievous as an instrument for the schemes of others, which, though differing in design, and as to the extent of their guilt, all aimed at the power, if not the life of Elizabeth, and at the destruction of civil and religious liberty. Elizabeth openly told the French ambassador, "I liave tried to be a mother to the queen of Scots, and in return she has formed conspiracies against me, even in my own kingdom; she who ill uses a mother, deserves a stepdame." Norfolk was the victim of his own vanity; the prospect of a crown induced him to forget the claims of loyalty and religion. Although a privy councillor of Elizabeth, he entered into secret communica tion with the deadly enemies of his queen and kingdom: he cannot be regarded as an injured sufferer.

These designs were the plans of men who cared not for religious truth, or were openly banded against it; but He that sitteth on high had their devices in derision. God was pleased to protect the life, and to support the power of Elizabeth, as a shelter for his people, and a means for promoting his glory. In such cases, the enemies themselves sometimes are made instrumental in defeating their own designs. Turner has shown, that there can be little doubt that the first

intimation to Elizabeth of her danger from the conspiracy in favour of Mary, proceeded from Catherine de Medicis, the bigoted queen-mother of France, who, partly by the advice of the cardinal of Lorraine, and partly from personal dislike to Mary Stuart, caused secret information of the papal conspiracy to be given to sir Henry Norris, shortly after Mary had taken refuge in England, with an intimation that Elizabeth then "held the wolf that would devour her." At that period Cecil was unable fully to unravel the conspiracy, but it put him on his guard, and the measures he took in ignorance were made effectual to arrest the designs when nearly completed, till by degrees they were more fully developed. Various circumstances connected with the northern insurrection, show that many of the aristocratical part of her subjects were unfriendly to Elizabeth. The two most powerful northern nobles took arms in open rebellion; that part of the country was most under the influence of the remains of feudal feelings as well as of popery; and there the disaffection was so great, that her commanders could do nothing against the rebels till joined by forces from the south, then the chief seat of trade and commerce, where the nobles had far less influence. To such an extent had dissatisfaction prevailed in the north, that the bishop of Durham transmitted to Cecil the declaration of the sheriff that the number of offenders was so great, that few innocent remained to try the guilty. When the rebellion was put down, many suffered by martial law; but Elizabeth found it was most prudent, as well as most agreeable to her own feelings, to pardon the greater part of the rebels.

The result of this insurrection confirmed the view she had early taken, that the stability of her throne depended upon the affections of her people at large. To them Elizabeth appealed at the first; she now renewed this arpeal in a public declaration or proclamation. She declared, that it had been her desire and practice to rule with clemency; and any unprejudiced reader of

history must admit that her government was distinguished for clemency, when compared with that of her sister, or those of the popish governments of that day. She appealed to the people whether they had not prospered under the peace she sedulously maintained, and declared her determination to support the Reformation; but engaged to allow toleration, provided there was outward conformity. In this latter point, she showed that as yet the principles of religious toleration were not fully understood, though her severe measures were far more lenient than those of the papists.

It was now evident to Elizabeth and her councillors that a succession of plots was to be looked for, involving different interests. Cecil, in August, 1570, wrote that he felt himself as in a maze. On many of the nobility no dependence could be placed; but the removal of Pembroke and Throckmorton by death about this time, relieved the secretary from some anxiety; the participation of Pembroke in the papal conspiracy became known after his death. The northern counties became more tranquil, but many of the rebels were supported by the Hamiltons and other partisans of Mary on the borders, upon which the earl of Sussex was sent, in April, 1570, to ravage their estates. Such measures are much to be deplored, as the sufferings fell chiefly upon the peasantry; how often has it been realised, that when rulers contend the people suffer!

Early in 1571, Cecil was created ford Burghley. From this time he was at the head of Elizabeth's government, of which he had previously been the most efficient and active member. His appointment was a great means for the queen's safety and that of England. Burghley was now freed from the interference of Pembroke, and placed so manifestly above others in the favour of the queen, that he could apply full to detect and counteract the designs against Elizabeth. During the year 1571, negotiations were carried on be tween England and France, relative to the marriage of Elizabeth with the duke of Anjou. It is not probable

power

that either party was sincere in wishing to carry this union into effect. But the French court thereby kept the Huguenot party quiet as to its designs against the Reformed religion in France; while Elizabeth, for a time, stayed the importunities of her subjects, who were anxious for her marriage. The project of an alliance between her and a French prince, also, would counteract many proceedings in behalf of Mary, and prevent the court of France from rendering her any aid. The negotiations were protracted during several months; Burghley, Leicester, and Walsingham, the chief councillors of Elizabeth, were unable exactly to ascertain her mind upon the subject. At length the treaty was broken off by the English queen requiring more compliance on the subject of religion than the French court was willing to grant. Hereby the queen placed her refusal of the marriage on a ground which her subjects in general fully approved. Meanwhile, the probability of Elizabeth's alliance with France induced Mary Stuart to enter into the negotiations with Spain, which brought ruin upon the duke of Norfolk, and caused her own treatment to be more severe.

Elizabeth never really designed to marry. Whether this proceeded from her firm resolve to be independent of any one who might interfere with her sovereign power, or from any other cause, has never been clearly ascertained; but she declared her intention to lead a single life, even before her accession to the throne. Certainly the state of affairs rendered this a wise decision. At times the urgency of her subjects was so great as apparently to shake her resolution, and to make it expedient for her to allow various matrimonial negotiations; but she always managed them so as to find pretexts for breaking off the treaties, though more than once she may have gone further in them than was at first intended. There is no ground for the insinuation of popish writers, that she continued unmarried from dishonourable motives. Amidst all the gaieties of the English court, we cannot but mark her