of Elizabeth; also, in case of the queen being murdered, a council was appointed, who were to assume the government, and punish the authors and abettors of the atrocious deed. Another law declared all Jesuits and seminarist priests guilty of treason, if they did not leave England within forty days, or if they returned thither. All who encouraged or protected them were liable to punishment. Unquestionably these measures were severe, and placed the queen of Scots and her abettors in danger, if they continued their plots : but these precautions on the part of Elizabeth were requisite for self-preservation. If Mary is not to be blamed for her devices, surely Elizabeth must not be censured for measures to protect her kingdom against the results of those devices!

The liberty allowed to Mary of constant private communications with her servants, and of excursions for hawking, to a distance not exceeding three miles from Tutbury Castle, rendered it impossible to prevent clandestine correspondence, and constantly gave opportunities for escaping. During the whole tedious eighteen years Mary was detained, she was restrained, rather by not having a place of secure refuge, than by the circumstances of her captivity. In September, 1584, the earl of Shrewsbury, who had often desired to be relieved from the charge of Mary, was permitted to give up that office. Sir Walter Mildmay, and Mr. Somers, were appointed to take care of her, till lord St. John should be ready to enter upon that duty. On account of his own illness, and the death of an only son, he was released from his charge six months afterwards, when sir Amias Paulet was appointed, and subsequently sir Drew Drury was associated with him. On the retirement of lord Shrewsbury we find Somers presenting Mary's request for one of his servants to remain, because he was accustomed to drive her horses and coach, a request which could not have been made by any one subjected to close confinement.

In the parliament which sat at the close of 1584,

great complaints were made of the inefficiency of many of the clergy; but the influence of the queen and her ministers was used to repress every appearance of innovation, though she roundly told the bishops, that if they were not careful to amend faults and negligences she would depose them. The rising freedom of debate was continually interfered with. Parry, member for Queenborough, having opposed the act against Romish priests, was committed to the custody of the sergeantat-arms. The value of an independent parliament was not yet understood. In reference to this very parlia ment a letter is extant, written by the earl of Leicester to the burgesses of Andover, requesting to be allowed to name one of their representatives; and if they wished to avoid all the expense of payment, and the trouble of choosing members, he offered to appoint both; and if they sent him the return signed, he would insert the names.

A conspiracy against Elizabeth, in which Parry was concerned, was discovered a few weeks afterwards. Many circumstances respecting this project still are mysterious. Parry was a native of Wales, and a doctor of civil law: he had been employed by lord Burghley, for some years, to collect intelligence on the continent. In 1577 he returned to England, where he became involved in debt, and wounded his principal creditor. He again became an agent of Burghley; but it is probable he acted the double part already noticed, for he professed to become a papist, and to be willing to join in the designs against Protestantism. He gained cess to the papal agents, and undertook to attempt the life of Elizabeth. Being implicated by another of Burghley's agents, and denounced, he thought it the safest course to betray his new employers, which he did, producing a letter from cardinal Como, the papal secretary, which declared that his holiness exhorted him to persevere, granting him full indulgence, and the remission of all his sins, and promising a reward upon earth. Of course, there was no direct mention of the

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murderous plot; but the grants of indulgence and remission, beyond the ordinary terms, without stating any specific reason, and the communication coming from so exalted a quarter, all show that more than the common objects of the generality of the seminary priests were in view. Parry was tried; he confessed his guilt, but afterwards protested his innocence. He was executed in the cruel manner then directed by the law against traitors—a barbarous and bloody proceeding; but a speedy and merciful death, when compared with the tortures inflicted by the inquisition.

The interest and anxiety the Protestant part of the English nation felt for their sovereign were openly shown at this time. Even a year earlier, the French ambassador wrote to his court, that when queen Elizabeth showed herself in public, crowds of people fell on their knees by the way, who prayed for her, wishing her a thousand blessings, and that all her wicked enemies might be discovered and punished. She frequently stopped and thanked them; and while among the crowd turned to the ambassador, and said, "I see, however, that not all desire me evil." She had previously spoken to him of the proceedings of the Jesuits.

Many popish books were secretly brought into England, and circulated; their contents were treasonable. Some of the Jesuits who brought them over suffered : one, who was tried for bringing over cardinal Allen's declaration, declared it was a loyal book, though it openly spoke of Elizabeth as being an unlawful queen, on account of her birth, and her excommunication by the pope. Strype gives a full account of the literary efforts against Elizabeth. They produced much mischief, but are passed over in silence by the apologists of Mary. In this year began the controversy between Hooker and Travers, which involved long discussions respecting nonconformity; into these it would be foreign to our object to enter. It is to be regretted that some plan for uniting the Protestants more closely was not

pursued: it is undeniable that nonconformists suffered much, and unjustly, in this reign. It was well for England that the violent papists proceeded to such lengths as they did; for it is clear that Elizabeth was rather inclined to favour popery than otherwise. Her protection of the Reformation was rather the act of a politician, than like the sincere, conscientious, pious proceedings of her brother. Townsend correctly says, Whatever there was of a persecuting spirit in the breast of Elizabeth was not directed against the Romish communion." Had not the proceedings of the papists compelled her to rigorous measures, her scheme for national religion was of that comprehensive nature, which would have afforded the Jesuits the best opportunities for undermining Protestantism, if they could have allowed the papal claims for su premacy to have remained dormant: but at that period they were not allowed so to do; and Protestantism in England being yet in its infancy, they thought to destroy it by direct opposition. In other times, and in our own day, they take other courses, more secret, and therefore more dangerous.

The affairs of Holland and the Netherlands pressed upon England for help with increased force, in 1585. As yet the confederates received little aid from Eliza. beth; the interference of the duke of Anjou had proved unsatisfactory; the prince of Orange was murdered; his eldest son was a prisoner in Spain; the second, upon whom the authority devolved, was a youth of eighteen; and the Spanish general, the prince of Parma, was successful in his military operations; while the king of France, though willing to check the power of Philip, had too many troubles at home to allow of his interference. The states, in this extremity, again applied to Elizabeth, offering to acknowledge her as their sovereign. The hazard from committing herself to an open war with Philip was considerable; he was then the ruler of a large part of Europe, with the pope and the house of Austria ready to assist him; while the

treasures of the New World were at his disposal. But to allow him to overcome the confederates, would enable him to act with still more force against England. It was therefore resolved, that Elizabeth should decline the sovereignty, but give efficient aid to the states of Holland, by assisting them with an army and a fleet, holding some towns as guarantees for the repayment of the charges of the expedition. A declaration was published, stating that ancient treaties with those provinces required the English sovereign to assist them in preserving their privileges under the oppressions of the Spanish government. The refusal of the sovereignty thus offered, evinced a wisdom and real greatness of mind few monarchs would have shown.

The earl of Leicester was appointed general of the allied army, owing to Elizabeth's ill-judged partiality for him. Early in 1586, the states gratified his ambition by conferring upon him powers almost equal to Sovereignty. When Elizabeth heard of this proceeding, she blamed him for receiving such authority, and the states for bestowing it; but his administration soon became unpopular. Nor did he display military talents. In a skirmish at Zutphen, where the Spaniards pressed forward, owing to an error of Leicester's, in leaving some approaches unguarded, his nephew, the amiable sir Philip Sidney, one of the most virtuous and accomplished characters of that day, received a mortal wound. The anecdote of his sending some water, brought to relieve his own suffering, to a dying soldier, who appeared to need the draught still more than himself, is well known; it shows a kindliness of disposition seldom manifested amidst the horrors of warfare. He lingered more than a fortnight before he died, during which time he sought, as his friend lord Brooke records, to apply the eternal sacrifice of our Saviour's passion and merits to himself." The author of the "History of England on Christian Principles" has well remarked, that "it is due to candour not to hide the defects which