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literary characters of that day have left full testimony to this, in their repeated praises of his pacific spirit. Though the defects in Henry's character were neither few nor small, his mind was above the belief that there is real glory, or substantial pleasure, from engaging thousands in mutual slaughter. With the stern ferocity of that age, he could issue mandates which caused much individual suffering, but he did not take delight in causing public troubles from the cruel results of warfare.

The terms imposed upon Francis by the emperor, by which the French king obtained his liberty in March, 1526, were severe. Wolsey then entered upon another series of negotiations, to renew the warfare between the two princes. His aim was, that Henry should hold the balance of power, without enabling either of the contending monarchs fully to overcome the other. The pope was the great instigator of this renewal of hostilities, though he had previously expressed his decided belief that a new war would seriously injure the papal power; and this proved another circumstance in the series of events, by which a large part of Europe was freed from the bonds of the papacy. Both Clement and Wolsey now thought that their own objects would be better promoted by war than by peace: therefore, although professed ministers of the Prince of Peace, they did not hesitate to excite the nations to mutual slaughter. Thereby they brought down ruin upon themselves!

The emperor appointed_Bourbon to command the army that advanced into Italy. Each of the three monarchs continued his intrigues and negotiations; but in the autumn of 1526, Bourbon marched southwards; his progress was slow, but the pope continued to urge the confederation against the emperor. In the ensuing spring, the imperial army being clamorous for spoil, Bourbon marched his way to Rome, and took it by assault on Easter Sunday, May 5, 1527. He perished in storming the walls; but the city was sacked, and all

the inhabitants experienced the most cruel and atrocious sufferings. Pope Clement was taken prisoner, and insulted both by the reformed Germans and the irreligious Spaniards, exhibiting to all Europe a pope subjected to the common lot of conquered monarchs. The sufferings of the Roman citizens were unexampled; they continued for several months: thus this corrupt and depraved city suffered deeply in its turn. By this event, the papal power received a shock which it has not been permitted to recover, and this by the policy of monarchs devoted to its faith. Never since that day has the pope been enabled to support his fulminations efficiently by the strong arm of military force; he has been little more than a tool in the hands of one or other of the monarchs of the day, so far as temporal affairs are concerned, although at times the court of Rome has thrown the nations of Europe into confusion by its political intrigues. Politics have for several centuries chiefly engrossed the attention of the pope and his cardinals, as the most efficient means to strengthen the power of the papacy, and to maintain the spiritual usurpations of the church of Rome.

Double negotiations were still carried on by England, or rather by Wolsey, with France and Spain, though both were aware of his duplicity. The events passing at Rome induced him to declare against the emperor, and he prepared for a personal visit to France. He neglected not the opportunity for displaying his state. His setting off is thus described: "Then marched he forward from his own house at Westminster through all London, over London Bridge, having before him a great number of gentlemen, three in rank, with velvet coats, and the most part of them with chains of gold about their necks; and all his yeomen followed him with noblemen's and gentlemen's servants, all in orange tawny coats, with the cardinal's hat, and a T and a C, for Thomas Cardinal, embroidered upon all the coats, as well of his own servants as all the rest of the gentlemen's servants: and his sumpter mules, which were

twenty or more in number. And when all his carriages and carts, and other of his train were passed before, he rode like a cardinal very sumptuously with the rest of his train, on his own mule, with a spare mule and a spare horse, trapped in crimson, following him. And before him he had his two great crosses of silver, his two great pillars of silver, the king's broad seal of England, and his cardinal's hat, and a gentleman carrying his cloak-bag, which was made of scarlet, embroidered with gold. Thus passed he forth through London; and every day on his journey he was thus furnished, having his harbingers in every place before, which prepared lodgings for him and his train." All this was not much beyond the state ordinarily assumed by the proud

cardinal.

A treaty was soon concluded, which arranged a marriage between the princess Mary and the duke of Orleans, with other articles, intended to limit the influence of the pope, then still a prisoner in the emperor's power, and to constitute Wolsey the regulator of all ecclesiastical affairs in the countries under the dominion of Henry. But Wolsey carried his diplomatic artifices too far: he was subjected to the same secret negotiations he had employed against others. Spanish monarch even caused him to be warned that the king of France was at this time negotiating secretly with Spain.

The

Turner says without hesitation, that ancient history, in all its details of dissimulation and falsehood, does not present anything equal to the state transactions of the first kingdoms in Europe at that period. Let it be remembered, that the popes were concerned in all these transactions; that it was under the sanction and tuition of the church of Rome, and in accordance with the principles it taught; and that the agents employed on all sides were usually Romish ecclesiastics! The particulars of the events briefly noticed in the preceding pages fully show this. It will hereafter be shown how different were the proceedings of the statesmen of

F

Protestant England later in the same century. Here, then, we behold Wolsey at the summit of his power, for some differences with the king, excited by his arbitrary conduct in 1525, were soon made up. The cardinal was arbiter, as he fondly imagined, of the destinies of Europe; yet he indulged in a show of childish pomp and display, which could only bring down public scorn; and we cannot wonder that a man of his character should afterwards be entangled in his own devices. Of such it is written: "They encourage themselves in an evil matter: they commune of laying snares privily; they say, Who shall see them? They search out iniquities; they accomplish a diligent search: both the inward thought of every one of them, and the heart, is deep. But God shall shoot at them with an arrow; suddenly shall they be wounded. And all men shall fear, and shall declare the work of God," Psalm lxiv. 5—7, 9.

Yet, even at that very time, there were some who did not hesitate to speak plainly of Wolsey's pomp, tyranny, and licentiousness. Thus Roy, in a poem written and printed in 1526, or soon afterwards, says :-

"None is faulty but the butcher,
Whom Almyghty God doth suffer
To scourge the people's offence;
Unto God he is so odious,
That nothynge can be prosperous
Where as he hath governaunce.

Sens that he cam fyrst forwarde,
All thynges have gone backwarde,

With moche myschefe and mischaunce.
No yerly purpose he doeth intende,
That ever commeth to a goode ende,
But damage and tribulacion."

The greater part of this severe satire is too coarse to allow of extracts being here given.

HENRY VIII.

PART II.

FROM A.D. 1527, TO A.D. 1535.

THE year 1527 may be considered as commencing the second period of the reign of Henry VIII. It found that monarch altered for the worse in many respects, since his accession to the throne. His arbitrary temper was strengthened by the flattery and obsequiousness of those about him: while the round of pleasures in which Wolsey encouraged Henry, rendered him more selfish and eager for licentious gratifications, wherein he freely indulged. His turn for literary pursuits was abated by the habits of a courtly life; his domestic felicity was lessened by the advancing age and infirmities of his queen. Henry VIII. was now more than thirty-five, and had reigned eighteen years. He had seen enough of Wolsey to be convinced of the ambition and duplicity of the minister who engrossed the power of government, openly using the expression, Ego et rex meus, (I and my king,) in various public documents. The succession to the throne also caused considerable anxiety: his sons had died in infancy, leaving the father under the curse pronounced in the book of Deuteronomy, against the man that should marry a brother's widow; while the state of the queen's health was such, that he could not expect other children to supply their places.

Among all the causes which concurred to render Henry discontented with his situation at this period of

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