New Members. Miles Barne Peter Bathurst Wm G. Hamilton J. Clark Satterthwaite Hon. John Rawdon Rich. Earl of Barrymore Geo. Vifc. Milton Place elected for. Dunwich Eye Warwick town Appleby Ditto Hestefbury Ditto Calne Malmesbury Ludgarfball Sir Frederick F. Vane, Bt Winchelsea John Tarleton jun. Robert Vaughan Lloyd Hon. And. Cochrane In room of. Barne Barne, a place. Rd B. Phillipfon, deceased. Ja. Lowther, fits for Weftmoreland. Hon. R. B. Jenkinson, fits for Rye. Wm Pierce a Court, vacated his feat. James M. of Graham, a peer. Seaford Merionethshire Aberdeen, trc. Stirling, e. Sir Arch. Campbell, K. B. ditto. Alex. Callendar, ditto. A Lift of fub Members of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain as bave vacated their Seats en Promotion, and who were re elected for the fame place. Edinburgh city One of his Majefty's Principal Secretaries of PAR PARLIAMENT. In the House of Lords, Dec. 17. Lord Carlisle, after a fhort exordium, moved, "That the thanks of the House be prefented to Marquis Cornwallis, for his eminent fervices in India, and for the glorious and fuccessful manner in which he concluded the War." Lord Grenville feconded the motion, and it paffed unanimously. The thanks of the House were also voted to Generals Mcdows and Abercromby, and to all the officers and men under their command. Lord Rawdon could not fuffer the vote re. lative to the Noble Marquis to pafs without declaring his moft hearty concurrence; and, chiefly, because he had the honour to ferve under him in America, and had been an eyewitnefs to his gallantry when the tide of for tune was adverse. Similar motions paffed the Commons. In the Commons, Dec. 20. Mr Hobart brought up the report from the committee of fapply for 25,000 feamen, including 5,000 marines, for the fervice of the year 1793 Mr Sheridan hoped it would not be fup. pofed that he had any intention whatever of oppofing this report. There was nothing, in his opinion, more defirable than peace; but, if we must have war, he wished all Europe to understand and feel that Great Britain was to fight with no feeble arm. In the prefent crifis he could not approve of half measures, or half exertions; and yet he could not give up the opinion, that the calamities of war may yet be averted by negotiation, if the honour of our country could admit of our negotiating. There was no man of feeling or humanity who must not be shocked at the melancholy event which was expected foon to difgrace France, and to which all Europe looked with an honourable anxiety. Whatever may be the violence into which the French were impelled by the new-born impulfe of freedom, great as may be their exceffes, he had hopes that there still remained amongst them principles of juftice, mercy, and magnanimity, which would refpe the opinions of this great and free nation, whenever thofe opinions may be unanimously expreffed. Mr Burke obferved, that juftice, mercy, and magnanimity, were qualities which, whoever looked for them in the prefent rulers of France, mult certainly look for them in vain : and which no perfon could with reafon expect, who paid any attention to the courfe of their proceedings. With refpect to the vote, he could like it better if it were for 40,000 men, which, he believed, was the number raised at the time of the difputes about Falkland Islands; an object of very little magnitude when compared to the prefent quarrel, Mr Fox agreed with Mr Burke in his readinefs to vote for 40,000; but he would make no motion for the augmentation, as his Majefty's miniers must be the best judges of the number required; and, as the vote of this day did not preclude them from increafing the number whenever it may be deemed expedient. Recurring to the melancholy ca. tastrophe which France threatened to display, there was no unprejudiced man who could poffibly behold it without indignation and horror. He wished his fentiments not to be mistaken when he pronounced, that the proceedings against the royal family of France were founded in injuftice, horror, and pufillanimity. This he believed to be the univerfal and unanimous opinion of all people in England; and, if the knowledge of that opinion was likely to make any impreffion in France, he fhould be happy to concur in any means by which it could be promulgated. The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, that while he was in the fituation of one of their conflituents, without any feat in the House, he was informed of proceedings, which, had he been a member, he would have ftrenuoufly oppofed by every effort in his power. The one was an amendment propofed to the addrefs, and the other a motion for fending an ambaffador to France. No means had been, or would be, neglected by his Majefty's minifters to terminate the differences with France in a pacific manner; but he could not hear, without indignation, of a propofition fo extravagant, fo humiliating, and fo bafe, as our fending them an ambaffador. The number of men ftated in the prefent vote was fuch as was deemed fufficient at the prefent moment, and fuch as it was moft convenient immediately to raife; but, fhould hoftilities take place, a number would be required in addition to thefe, which may, he trusted, render the British arms fuccefsful. He then fimply proposed, "to addrefs his Majefty to order a copy or extract of the instructions tranfmitted to Lord Gower on his leaving Paris, to be prefented to the Houfe," which was carried; and next day Mr Dundas prefented a copy, [See vol. 54. p. 509.] Mr Pitt then fimply moved, that the paper be laid upon the table. - Mr Wyndham, Mr Burke, Mr Sheridan, and Mr Fox, gave their hearty concurrence to the propofition; for, much as they deprecated the prefent proceedings against the French King, they knew not what further measures they could adopt in his favour; and Mr Fox remarked, that the difficulty of proceeding further, was in the terms in which a vote fhould be couched; tor to express the feelings of that Houfe, if a vote was come to, the terms must be ftrong and indignant; it being impollible for any man to confider the proceedings against the King, from the com mencemer.t mencement to their prefent ftate, without pain and diftrefs. The motion passed unani moufly. In the Houfe of Peers, Dec. 19. Lord Grenville introduced a bill for impofing reftrictions upon aliens in this country. His Lordfhip faid, that the vast number of foreigners and aliens now in this country, and the difpofitions and practices of fome of them, had given the officers of government fufpicion of their evil intentions towards this country. He thould not enter into the merit of the bill which he now held in his hand, as it was his intention to fubmit the propriety of having it printed, in order that all the provifions of it might be well understood by their Lordships, when the principles of the bill came under confideration at the fecond reading. The general view of the bill was, to provide a gainst any evil that might be apprehended from the great number of foreigners in this country. In former days the prerogative of the Crown of itfelf governed cafes of this nature, and that prerogative was confidered to be very extenfive; for a length of time, however, this power had not been exercifed, and, perhaps, fome might think it obfolete. This bill had no reference to that fubject--it neither increafed nor diminished the prerogative of the Crown-the law on that point should be entirely untouched by this bill. The bill was read a first time, and ordered to be printed. On Dec. 21. Lord Lanfdowne brought forward two motions which he wished to fubmit to the confideration of the Houfe previous to the difcuffion of the order of the day on the alien bill. He conceived that what he had to offer would, in a great meafure, if adopted, tend to make the bill in queftion unnecellary, as it went to that principle, which was the first principle of his heart-peace. He ftated, that the whole tenor of his political conduct was uniformly confiftent, whether in or out of adminiftration, and that he never had the most diftant view of facrificing the happinefs, the welfare, and the conftitutional principles of this country, to perfonal aggrandifement, or to political party interest. He therefore came forward pure and immaculate in the prefent bufinefs, and with a view of conciliating, if pollible, thofe meafures which now were to hostile a profpect to this empire. He thought, no doubt, what moft fenfible men thought that the prefent times were big with danger. There were by every account, and from the charitable focieties particularly, a proof of 8000 Frenchmen being in the metropolis, fupported by public bounty. What was to be the ultimate fate of thefe perfons feemed not under confideration. Were they to be for ever a bur den on the uncommon benevolence of this country? Was no mode to be pointed out by which they might be again returned amicably to their native land, or patriated in fome other foil, where by industry they should carn an honeft livelihood He wished not to stop the current of public benevolence, he defired not to fhut the hand of charity, but the fupport of 8000 perfons in addition to our own pauper lift became a heavy burthen indeed. It was his intention therefore to alleviate this burden, by preventing its increase to an an nual tax on th enatural charity of Great Bri tain. Thus far his firft motion meant to extend. The fecond, he faid, went to a propofition which might make war unnecessary which might relieve Louis XVI. from his prefent unfortunate fituation, and which might make this country and France ultimately on a reciprocal footing of mutual intereft. He wished it not to be understood by what he advanced, that he approved of the measures purfued in France: all civilized nations must look on their conduct (in some re fpect) with horror. The murders committed were unpardonable-humanity fhuddered at the idea-nature revolted at the atrocioufnefs of the facts! To prevent, therefore, and not to provoke repetition, ought to be the line of conduct which Great Britain fhould purfue. Our allies, it was true, were valuable; but the Dutch did not feem prone to difpute the navigation of the Scheldt-nay, it was faid they would not arm on that account. If they did not, pray why should we? But minifters, he fuppofed, were well warranted in their prefent conduct.-They had fome thing more than what he alluded to for the juftification of the prefent armament. Much had been faid of the turbulence of the times and there might perhaps be some reason for the remark. Some conftitutional focieties had perhaps gone too far in their zeal for a reform of abuses-others were more moderate; but he could never permit fuch an idea to enter his mind as that the people of England looked to a reformation. For his own part he could fay, that he was as loyal a fubject as any in the nation, and that if ever he was committed to the Tower, it must be for what he had spoken and done in the House, and not for what he had faid and acted out of doors. He lamented the fate o Louis XVI. and fhould wifh with all his heart to turn afide that dreadful blow which hung over his head. This country, and the voice of its parliament had great weight in France, and humanity urged us to exert our power. There was a minitter from the republican government of that country now here, and through him, or by an embassy to Paris, the fentiments of the executive government of Great Britain might be made known. The idea was not a new one, for when Charles I. was on his trial in this country the States of Holland interfered. His Lordfhip read an extract from the journals to that effect.-The two motions which he meant to fubmit to the the Houfe were, Ift, "That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, praying him to fend to the National Convention of France, an interceding defire in favour of Louis XVI" 2d, That an application fhould be made to the Executive Power in France, ftating the number of emigrants in this country, and propofing, with the confent and afliftance of that nation, to fend them to the western part of Canda." The first of thefe motions, of which the above is only the fubftance, being put, refift, and England would fupport her ally. As to Great Britain interfering in refpect to the unfortunate King, he was confident that could have no good effect. It might indeed debafe the confequence of this country, without alleviating the mi-fortunes of the French Monarch. He was furprifed, that the Noble Marquis, in the motions he had made, fhould fo word them as to infinuate an idea that the parliament of Great Britain by acceding to them fhould at once perjure that faith of nations, by which they acknowledged the exiftence of a French King. This would, indeed, be fetting an exam, le to our own country, which might do an effential injury to the conftitution. In refpe& to what fell from the Noble Marquis as to the harmless difpofition of the people of this country, he verily believed, as he said before, that they were all united in one common caufe; but that there had been the most infidious means Lord Grenville rofe, and in an admirable fpeech replied to the Noble Viarquis. He acknowledged the fact in refpect to the number of emigrants, but denied the inference drawn from that fact. Numbers, it was true, were fupported by public bounty; but of thefe oppressed and harmless men there were no evil intentions to be entertained It was from other emigrants that the danger arofe; and as it was impoffible at this juncture touted to detach them from their allegiance to difcriminate with exactness the good from the bad, all were put under fimilar restraints by the prefent bill. He was never more aftonifhed in his life than at the language which fell from the Noble Marquis What idea would Europe entertain of this country fend ing an humble request to a banditti, who had fworn vengeance against all the crowned heads in Europe-who had been guilty, in their new fyftem, of crimes which froze the warm blood of humanity with horror-which were reprobated in every civilized part of the globe, and which were looked on with horror by every man who valued honourable life, conftitutional liberty, and juft property? What! was Great Britain to humble herfelf into the character of a petitioner to the National Convention of France?-was this empire, whofe power fo long awed that ambitious nation-whofe courage and ftrength fo often fubdued and chaftifed her arrogance, to become a fuppliant, and at a time when murder, robbery, and cruelty, in the moft fhock ing extreme, were the practifed, he would not say the avowed principles of her govern ment? No-he thanked God, the example of loyalty which had manifefted itfelf throughout the whole kingdom-the unanimity which reigned in the hearts of all ranks of fubjects tofupport the honour and dignity of the crown, gave fuch a contradiction to French principles, as must teach that nation, when their new free government will permit the people to read truth that the people of England abhor their conduct, and will hold no communication with their prefent political fyftem. In refpect to what the Noble Marquis advanced concerning the navigation of the Scheldt, he fhould apprehend that the information of the Dutch having given up the point was to tally without a juit foundation; for the direct contrary was the fact. Holland would their Sovereign, was a fact which could not be denied; and what added to the atrocity of this truth was, that they were no mean or vulgar perfons who had made the attempt. But the hearts of Englishmen were made of incorruptible materials, and their conftitutional integrity was an antidote against the poifon of republicanism. He had no apolology to make to the Houfe, or to the Noble Marquis for giving his direct and pofitive negative to the motions now under consideration. They tended not to conciliate, they were replete with political mif hief. Was there a man of fenfe in the kingdom who would ferioufly take upon him to fay, that the kind of executive government now in authority in France, would enter into treaty about the prefervation of a King they have doomed to deftruction. It was idle--it was ridiculous to fuppofe any fuch matter could have effect; and as to our afking permission of France (for it could not be conftrued in any other light) to difpofe of their emigrants, that was indeed a debafement to which he hoped he should never fee this country bend. We were not in that abject ftate to be dictated to by any country in the universe. We were at a fummit of perfection which was the envy and admiration of furrounding empires; and it certainly routed his indignation to fuppofe that, fo eminently fortified by all that could make a kingdom refpectable, we fhould meanly folicit a new formed affembly, who had dethroned that King whofe royalty we acknowledged, to grant our petition for the life of that King! Surely the noble Marquis could not be ferious in fuch a propofition; he could not fuppofe that the dignity of the Senate of this country wou'd fo far débafe itfelf; and with that fuppofition solt Armly fixed in his n ind, he gave his determined negative to the motion. The The Duke of Norfolk wifhed for conciliating meafures, and that war fhould be a. voided if poffible. He was therefore against all harsh expreflions, which might tend to irritate; and, confiftent with the dignity of this country, he could have no reasonable objection to the motion made by the noble Marquis. Lord Lanfdowne explained, and faid no man bore a stronger regard to the conftitution of this country than he did; but as it feemed to be the general fenfe of the Houfe, that his first motion would not meet their approbation, he should withdraw it. But as to the fecond, he fhould infift on having it put, that it might ftand on the journals of parliament. Lord Loughborough was clearly and decidedly of opinion, in refpect to the first motion of the noble Lord, that the interference of this country to fave the French King, would have the fame effect that the interic rence of the States of Holland (mentioned by the noble Marquis) had in refpect to the unhappy Charles. The tempers and difpolitions of the ufurped powers then and now were the fame. The Dutch interfered on the 29th of January, and on the 30th the republicans put their Sovereign to death. The learned Lord was forry he could not agree in the arguments adduced by the noble Marquis, because he had a high refpect for his abilities; but there was fo much which militated against the real honour, dignity, and national intereft of this country, that he could neither approve the first motion, nor accede to the fecond. This was a time of what is called general unanimity, and that unanimity being requifite to the fafety and welfare of the ftate, he mult oppofe every meature which tended to interrupt its falutary operations. His Lordfhip took a view of the French government as it now ftands, and in the ftrongest terms reprobated its proceedings. He faid, all property was deftroyed-all juftice annihilated inheritance was torn from the fon-poffeffion was wrefted from the father. Whatever could civilize fociety was bafphemed-what ever could tend to the happiness of mankind was annihilated. Were we then to treat with fuch a people?-Were we to acknowledge their outrages again!t every thing that conduced to the happinefs of mankind; and were we, by acknowledging the authority of fuch a violation of law and equality, to fet an example for overturning the conflitution of this Country? The fenfe of the people without doors was against fuch fanaticifm--and there exifted no doubt but the fenfe of the fenate would always be the fenfe of the people. Marquis Lansdowne withdrew his firft motion in form, and faid, that notwithstanding it had met the general difapprobation of the Houfe, it gave him an opportunity to declare his fentiments. The Duke of Norfolk faid, his fentiments were ever coincident with whatever could tend to the benefit of his country, and that he thought the fecond motion might be acceded to. Lord Kenyon put the motion, and it was negatived without a divifion. Lord Grenville then moved, that the bill fhould be read a fecond time, and he entered into a very able detail of all its clauses, and the neceffity by which each was warranted. Lord Laufdowne replied, and adduced the circumstances of the American war as a matter of argument why we fhould negotiate inftead of preparing for hoftilities. He complained of the infringement of the conftitution of this country, which hitherto was an afylum of liberty to foreigners-and he added that "these foreigners might be of dangerous confequence to this country, having emigra ted from their own becaufe they were inimi cal to the princ ples of liberty Lord Grenville to this gave a sharp and fevere reply The Duke of Portland declared his fentiments to be, that, however he might on political principles have disagreed with the members of the pr fent administration, he moit perfectly approved of their prefent conduct, and particularly in the letter and fpirit of that bill which now came under confideration. In deing this, he wifhed it not to be underfood, that he had become a political convert to the prefent minifters. He confidered their conduct, in a great measure, the caufe of what had happened-but the prefent was not a time to difcufs it. His Grace gave his decifive negative to the motion of the noble Marquis. Lord Lauderdale thought an addrefs (hould be fent to France. The Duke of Leeds, Lords Hawkesbury and Stormont, fupported the motion, and the bill was read a fecond time, and committed for the day. In the committee, Dec. 22. Earl Spencer faid, he trusted that at this critical moment all men would unite in ftrengthening the hands of the executive government, and in fuppreffing whatever might tend to disturb the tranquillity of the kingdom, or endan ger its most valuable conftitution. By this, however, he did not mean to have it underítood that he agreed in political fentiments in any other measure with the prefent miniftry. Their ideas and his widely differed as to the general political feale by which administration fhould be governed'; but this was not the time for difcuffing those points-Several amendments were made. In the difcuffion of the claufe refpecting fire arms, Lord,Lauderdale faid, he could inform their Lordships from perfonal experience, that, at the moft turbulent time in France, |