France, the greateft refpect was paid to foreigners. He himself had two pair of piftols in his bed-chamber in Paris; the proper officer came and examined them, and afked what they were for; he answered, for the protection of his perfon; and the officer was fatisfied. This was about the 10th of Auguft, at the time they were the most rigid, and had the greatest reafon to be so. His Lordfhip obferved, he faw no reason why foreigners, travelling among us, might not carry piftols, as they always did every where else. Lord Loughborough faid, the cafe which his Lordship ftated, and the measure to be provided against by the prefent bill, were widely different; nor did he fee any impro priety, but much good precaution, in difarming every Frenchman: and the French would do the fame in a fimilar cafe with vifitors from us; but they had no caufe to fufpect fuch of the few English as go there, of overturning their new-fangled conftitution. They were friends to that kind of republicanifm which now diftracs that unhappy country; and in respect to the inconvenience of stopping perfons and examining them, that was very fmall indeed-nor could he fee the impropriety of fubjecting the emigrant or the vifitor to that trouble, when he could neither tell from whence he came, to what place he was going, nor what he meant to do. Nothing that he faid could perfonally affe& the Noble Lord, as his refidence in town and country was well known, and he always knew where he was going, from whence he, came, and what he meant to do. On the third reading, Dec. 26. Earl Guildford, in his firft fpeech in this House, ftated, that although he had given his affent to the bill before it went into a committee, yet he did fuppofe, that when the claufes came to be debated feparately, their Lordships would have made fuch alterations as right have brought it forward in a lefs exceptionable hape than that in which it at prefent appeared. He conceived, that more time would have been allowed for the confideration of this important bill, in order to fatisfy mens minds, whether thofe dangers, really exifted on which its principle was founded; and he lamented the abfence of the noble Secretary of State, from whom he might poffibly have received fome information that hould prove fatisfactory on this head, and confequently prevent that motion he intend ed now to offer to the confideration of the Houfe. He wifhed it to be understood, that this oppofition arofe merely from an idea that the public alarm which had fpread itelf fo rapidly was groundlefs; that our fears were magnified without a juft caufe, and that by proper inquiries they might be made Vol. LV. January 1793. to fubfide without all this mighty preparation against danger, which was going forward. The motion which he had to make to the House, before the order of the day was decided upon, was, That the bill fhould be read a third time on that day three weeks.' The Lord Hawkefbury faid, he never was more fuprised in his life than at what fell from the noble Earl. He did not fuppofe it poffible that any man could seriously doubt the danger which lately threatened the conftitution of this country, and which at present in fome degree existed. His Majefty's minifters were well warranted in the conduct they had purfued, and were they at this time to give up the authorities on which they founded their judgement, they must deftroy that channel from which this important information flowed. noble Earl might reft affured that it was not on any light or trivial evidence: they had in their poffeffion that which would moft fully juftify all the precautions they had taken; and when the fulness of the time arrived, they would be ready to come forward and prove how well warranted they were in what they were now doing. The fafety, the honour, the welfare of Great Britain were at ftake. The fact was known to be fo, not only in parliament, but in every part of the kingdom, and the meafures of the executive government feemed to be fanctioned by the unanimous voice of the people. Confidering the prefent bill in the point of view in which the noble Secretary of State who moved it had ftated its neceffity, he should give his decided negative to the propofition made by the noble Earl, and his hearty affent to the bill as it now stood. Lord Lanfdowne, after what he had faid upon a former occafion, promifed not to intrude for any length of time on the patience of the Houfe. He had still the fame objections to the principle and the claufes of the bill which he mentioned on the motion for its fecond reading, and he heard nothing to alter his opinion as to what he advanced on the first day the Houfe met. He ftill was convinced in his own mind, that the alarm which had spread through the kingdom was a falfe one, and that there did not exist either infurrection, trcafon, or even the symp tom of rebellion, as far as his knowledge went nor in that county where he refided were the books of Tom Paine known. In the habit of converfing with the principal gentlemen of Wiltshire, he heard nothing from them that could warrant fuch a bill as the prefent; and he could fay the fame of the four fouthern counties, fo far as his knowledge went, and his communication was pretty extenfive. Infurrealion, treafon, and the danger of our civil and religi tain to foment infurrection there, and that he knew not of any other perfons of the French nation who had been commiffioned on the part of France to do any injury to that kingdom. The noble Marquis went o ver much of his former argument on the principle of this bill, and entered at large into it; but as we have already stated the fubftance of his oppofition, we shall not now detail the particulars. ous liberties, were often held out as bugbears to alarm the public, when ministers had any particular measure to be carried into execution, which they wifhed not to undergo particular investigation. Through all this he clearly faw, and the object that appeared to him was, war, inevitable war. It is true, we appeared in a moft flourishing ftate, and we were extenfive in commercial wealth; but how did this happen? By an immenfe circulation of paper currency fent into the world by country bankers. This, however, was not real, it was artificial riches, and the moment war was declared, they would vanish. He did not wish to depreciate the commerce of this country or its credit, but when matters were carried on to a crifis which amounted to a declaration of war, it was neceffary to speak out. In refpect to the fcoffs and taunts that were thrown out against the very few that compofed the prefent minority, he should fay, that the first party in parliament against the American war, confifted of but two, but their arguments at length brought over fuch a number as difmilled the minifter, and put an end to the war. He did not therefore defpair of making found reafon and common fenfe in the end prevail, although the phalanx was fo great against a treaty with France at prefent, as in a manner to unite the whole kingdom into one opinion. In respect to the hard terms impofed upon the foreigners who came to this kingdom, there feemed a degree of cruelty in this bill to be exercifed again? them, which was unparalleled in the annals of history. A number of the unfortunate emigrants were to be put under the feveret pains and penalties, for the wild fanatic conduct of about nineteen perfons, which, if his recollection failed him not, were the number stated by the noble Secretary of State to be dangerous in this country. For this we were to call out our militia-for this we were to alarm the whole kingdom, and form them into affociations to preferve their conftitution. To his Lord it appeared ridiculous in the extreme-he faw no danger-he was convinced there was none, and from the best authority he could venture to fav, that France would be happy to negotiate with us, and that the Nition Affembly there never had the fmalleft idea of difturbing the tranquillity of this country. On the contrary they fought peace-they wished for amity with Great Britain; and that they never fent any incendiaries here he fhould prove by a French newspaper, the Gazette Nationale, an extract from which he read as part of his freech, wherein was inferted a declaration from the minister for Foreign Affairs, that he never did fend a perfon of the name of Achilles de Vere into Great Bri Lord Lauderdale followed the noble Marquis in a violent fpeech against the letter and fpirit of the prefent bill, which he faid, was nothing more than a meafure to alarm the public about the vifionary danger of the conftitution in order to prevent a real inqui ry into the conduct of minifters. This feemed to him to be the real ftate of the cafe, or the executive government would never refufe to tell parliament on what grounds of alarm, on what proofs of infurrection, they were hurrying the prefent unconftitutional measure into execution. If we had traitors, why were they not named?-why were they not taken up?-why were they not punished-The law was fufficient to do this, without a new act of parliament. But, as his noble friend faid, the object of the bill-was not the punithment of fixteen or feventeen fuppofed affaflins-it was war-war against the republic of France. Here the noble Earl went into a long ftatement of the armament against Ruffia-the difcontents in. Ireland-and the affairs of Scotland-which being foreign to the queftion, fome noble Lord cried out to order. This brought on a challenge from Lord Lauderdale to any noble Lord, to stand up and speak to order; for he could cafily prove, that all these matters appertained to the debate on the prefent bill, which he confidered from the beginning in the fame light as he now faw it. He faid, he was not the defender of the French principles; he abhorred the cruelties that had been committed there as much as any man; but he admired liberty, and always fhould applaud thofe who ftood up in its defence. He had an averfion to the prefent meafure, because it took away the benefit of the Habeas Corpus act, and impofed hardships on innocent men; and left it at the mercy of minifters, to fend any Frenchman they dif liked back to France, even after he was profcribed that country, and that death was the confequence of his return. He alluded to the affociations, as a band of men under the power of government; and afferted that affociations to fupport ministry were highly dangerous to the conftitution; whil focieties formed to oppofe minifters wer highly proper, and truly the fpirit of real pa triotifm. On thefe grounds, he meant give his affent to the motion made by hi noble Friend, t Lor Lord Carlile was certain, that the emigrants, in whofe favour the noble Earls, and the noble Marquis feemed fo much inte: efted, would moft heartily thank government for the bill. It was their ardent with, that the good should be separated from the bad; and hat, by an examination, the intended disturber of the public peace fhould be diftinguished from the expatriated Frenchman. His Lordship took this occasion to declare, that he not only gave his mot hearty affent to the bill, but that minifters fhould have whatever fupport his feeble abilities could give them at this juncture, in every mea fare they brought forward for the benefit of the ftate and the fafety of the empire; and he trufted to their abilities and difcretion, that the confidence of parliament would not be abused. Lord Loughborough, in a most animated and eloquent fpeech of confiderable length, took a view of the bill as it now ftood, and of all the objections made to it. He lamented that, on this occafion, his honour, his confcience, what he owed to the conftitution of his country and the happiness of the people, obliged him to differ in fentiment with the noble Earl who made the motion, for whom he entertained the highest refpect, and with whole family he had long been on the moft intimate terms. But this was not the time when private feelings were to interfere with public neceffity. Danger frared us in the face, and all hands fhould unite to fave the conftitution. He was surprised, astonished, and hurt, at what fell from a noble Earl, (Lord Lauderdale), and could not avoid making a few comments on his fpeech. The noble Lord faid, "we were in no danger." and afked as ferionfly for documents, to prove that we were, as if no fuch documents exitled. Was there no danger in the numerous focieties that had actually formed a chain of correfpondence, for the avowed purpose of overawing the legislature, and forming themfelves into a kind of Jacobine club that should give laws to parliament? Could this be denied by any man, converfant with the public? could it be refused by any individual, however high or however low his fituation in life, who was in the habit of knowing what paffed in any and in all parts of the kingdom? Was it now to be proved, that books of the most dangerous tendency had been diftributed among the lower clafs of people, in order to make them diffatisfied with the prefent conftitution, and in love with that abominable fyftem by which France was at present ruled? Had we not thefe focieties for information, that fent these pernicious doctrines in print, free of all expence, into every hole and corner of the kingdom? and was not this practice countenanced and abetted by perfons, fome of them of high rank in life? Would the noble Earl take upon him to fay-that there was not any danger in this? would he have minifters take no notice of fuch proceedings, and tacitly affent to the propagation of fuch doctrines? If minifters did act in this manner, then they were no longer worthy the public confidence. But it was not by thofe focities alone that we were threatened. France had her emillaries here for the purpose of affilting in any infurrection that might be fomented, and her National Affembly contenauced that defign—not secretly, but in the moft public manner, by decreeing that they would fubvert all monarchical governments. Could the noble Lord fay there was no danger in fuch a declaration as this?—would he feriously tell the House, that these were frivolous alarms, and that we fhould wait for itronger proofs? Was it a time to talk of arming when Hannibal was at the gates? The noble Lord, if he read the history of this country, must have known that this was not the first time Great Britaki was in a fituation fimilar to that which at present occupied all mens minds. Spain, in Philip the Second's time, had a view as ambitious as that which is the avowed object of France at prefent, and the only difference in what guided the people of Spain, and what now guides the people of France, is-that the former were urged by bigotry to religion, and the latter are pufhed on by atheistical fana-` ticifm. What Queen Elizabeth and her minifters did to prevent the danger to be apprehended from Spain, our present Sovereign and his council are effecting, to check the designs, and chastise the arrogance of France. Will the noble Marquis or the noble Earl attempt to deny this? Will they attempt to deny, that the principles of the French goverament-government he could not call it but the principles of the French Affembly, or executive power, are Atheism: If fuch a denial is fet up, he could undertake to prove the fact, and that when one member of the Convention gloried in denying the existence of any God, the rest of the Convention ap plauded him, and by that applaufe avowed themselves of the fame opinion. Would the noble Lord fay, that the fyftem eftablished for the prefent moment in that country did not declare in their Convention, that all love and affection and duty fhould ceafe between parent and child as foon as the child was able to feed itfelf-that there was no moral obligation pending-and that private chastity and virtue were mistaken ideas imbibed from a falfe education? If he did, the decrees of the National Affembly and their debates would foon inform him to the contrary. Would the noble Lord attempt to deny, that this fame raling power, by their authority, fent men into the farmers yards to take away the corn, and that when the farmer remonstrated, the municipal 36 municipal officer told him, the land was indeed his, but all corn belonged to the people for them it grew, and among them it ought to be divided? If the noble Lord gave a negative to this, it could be proved by the strongest evidence. The noble Lord fays, that he don't think the affociations legal. But had he confulted the conftitution, he would have found that all men are bound to affift in putting the law in force, and in aiding and affifting the magiftracy to do fo. Thefe affociations go no further they are for the prefervation and not the destruction of civil and religious liberty. He begged to inform the noble Lord, that as thefe meetings were legal, he should ftate thofe which were not legal:-It was a high breach of the law and the constitution, for any body of men to affemble, and infolently and daringly to publith refolutions declaratory of their difapprobation of the judicial conduct of a magiftrate high in office, who acted legally under that authority with which the law had invefted him; it was a daring violation of the law to affenible and publish opinions which milita ted against the exprefs letter and spirit of an exifting act of parliament. The noble Lord had faid, that we were not warranted in entertaining any ideas of infurrection in this country, or in any juft fuppofition that the English would ever attempt to follow the French in their new political maxims. To this he should reply, that when the French firft altered their fyftem of government, and imprifoned their Monarch, there was a gleam of joy, which could not be hid, very vifible on the countenances of a certain defcription of people, and perhaps they went fome extraordinary lengths in celebrating the event. This was in fome measure checked by the vaft armaments formed against the ufurping power in France; and when the Auftrian and Pruffian armies approached the capital, all was difmay with a certain party; they hung their heads in filent defpair, and confidered the fyftem of levellization and plunder as for ever deftroyed: but when the fate of war had changed the afpect of fuccefs to the combined armies, the joy of a certain party knew no bounds, and the focieties again opened their communications in a manner publicly hoftile to our conftitution. Embalfies were fent to France, to congratulate the Atheistical National Affembly of that country on their fuc cefs, and even fo far as to promife the afliftance of certain numbers here in cafe of an infurrection, who would endeavour to plant their tree of infamous liberty in this happy Parliament: Lords on the Alien Bill., Produce of Taxes. Vol. 55. country. Was not this full time for the executive government of this country to interfere? Would not the noble Lord declare, that minifters were culpable if they permit. ted fuch matters to pafs unnoticed? Government did interfere, à proclamation followed, which had the defired effect, and then affo fenfe of the country in fuch a manner as ciations were formed, which bespoke the made thofe focieties hide their diminished mark was, that much had been faid about a heads.One thing more he wished to reperfon well known here (the ci-devant Duke of Orleans we fuppofe to be meant) and who probably would be profcribed his own coun English, not being by the prefent bill allowtry, and naturally feek an asylum among the joyed here. To this he fhould without any ed the legal benefits which he formerly enreferve reply, that if ever that perfon attempt ed to land here, he should not be permitted to contaminate British ground, for he was a difgrace to his own country; where he had openly and in public affembly declared, that be infurrection against monarchy. He trufted the first principle of the human mind ought to minifters would fhew, a proper fpirit in rejecting fuch a man as this. His Lordship then faid, he refifted the motion of Lord Guildford, and gave his hearty affent to the bill. Lord Lauderdale felt himself extremely hurt at what fell from the noble Lord. He called it a cruel attack on him who had fo long been of the fame party with the learned Lord; and by way of retaliation, mentioned the fpeech Lord Loughborough made before the privy council against Dr Franklin. Lord Loughborough, in a fhort reply, faid, he never was of any party with the noble Earl. pinions, as well at prefent as formerly, difThose with whom he was conneed held owas the CATO of a little fenate of his own, ferent from thofe of Lord Lauderdale, who time would show who were in the greatest efand timation with the voice of the people. he forgot, which were, that this bill by its Lord Guildford begged to fay a few words paffports fubverted the Commercial Treaty with France. E The Duke of Richmond denied the position, fpect, by refufing the egrefs and ingrefs of for the French firit broke the treaty in that re Englishmen without paffports. Earl Guildford's motion time, and palled. without a divifion, and the bill read a third was negatived 0 An Account of the Net produce of the Permanent Taxes, including Customs, Excife, Stamps, and Incidents, paid into the Exchequer, from Jan. 5. 1786, diftinguishing the produce of each year. From to Jan. 5. 1786, Jan. 5. 1787, 12,389.555 7 ODE FOR THE NEW YEAR, 1793. By HENRY JAMES Pye, Efq; Poet Laureat. NOT OT with more joy from defert fhades, From pathlefs moors and barren glades, Where harvests wave in yellow pride, Through peopled towns and laughing. meads; Than turns the mind from scenes of woe, Where ceaseless tears of anguish flow, Where anarchy's infatiate brood Their horrid footsteps mark with blood, To fhores where temperate Freedom reigns, Where Peace and Order bless the plains, Where men the fovereign of their choice obey, Where Britain's grateful Sons exult in GEORGE's fway. Yet Albion ne'er with selfish aim To her own race her care confines, Who breathes her air, breathes pureft liberty, Ambition's clarion has not charm'd Her dauntless legions to the war, Nor have her Sons, by fury arm'd, Follow'd Oppreffion's iron car; Tho' prompt at honour's call to brave The hoftile clime, the adverse wave, Their thunder 'neath the burning zone Shook the proud Defpot on his throne; Yet while aloft in orient skies Conqueft's triumphant banner flies, The generous victur bids the conflict ceafe, And midft his laurels twines the nobler wreaths of peace. LINES Addreffed to VICTORY, in consequence of the fuccefs of MARQUIS CORNWALLIS and bis ARMY against T1 PPOO SULTAN. BY E. CORNELIA KNIGHT, Author of "Dinarbas," and "Marcus F Flaminius." 'AIREST and brightest of the heavenly choir, Immortal Victory, my fong infpire! [praife, Triumphant joys to anxious doubts fucceed, bleed; Fatigue and pain are banish'd by thy breath, And thou can't foften e'en the pangs of death; Crown'd with thy wreath, encircled by thy array'd,' On British enfigns refts the heavenly maid. The conquering hoft in martial pomp appears, The fuldier's father, and his country's grace, CORNWALLIS ftands; around whofe temples play Refulgent glories on this happy day. O, Goddels, may thy juftice never swerve! May thofe ftill gain thy favour who deferve! Where GEORGE with mild paternal rule commands A grateful nation join'd in union's bands; Where glorious navies awe the fubje&t main, PA |