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dual of the human race, indebted to those men who are the generous assertors of liberty. But I can honestly say, that I have received no greater benefits from you

than every other subject of Britain has received; and that I have no other than the common hopes of receiving new ones. With whatever faults these Lectures and Reflections are chargeable, you have not to answer for them. If there be many things in them which may meet your approbation, I shall not be surprised if there also be some, which will need your forgiveness.

You cannot be ignorant, Gentlemen, that noble as the objects of your association are, the most unwearied efforts have been employed to lessen, or to misrepresent them. I have never insulted you by defending, what every man must render himself ridiculous by offering to attack. But though I have left your conduct with respect to our own Revolution and Constitution; and with respect to those of France; and with respect to the Slave-Trade, to be defended by a fair state of it; by the common honesty and the common sense of its historians and readers, I have endeavoured to illustrate the principles by which it was regulated. Tho' your principles be not casily controverted,

they

they are often but ill understood; and principles of every kind are more easily distorted than facts.

To whom, Gentlemen of the Revolution and onstitutional Societies, should I dedicate a work chiefly written in defence of the great

doctrines of our Constitution, as they were determined by the Revolution, but to you, who have the preservation of the doctrines, and the commemoration of the epoch, for the objects of your institution. According to the surmises indeed which have been industriously spread, I have committed a prodigious blunder, by dedicating to you a defence of monarchy and aristocracy, in the place of a defence of a government purely popular. But, Gentlemen, I believe those surmises to be calumnies, and I shall give you no other evidence that I do so but this, inconsiderable as I am, I should have disdained to dedicate my trifles to the enemies of my country. Your zeal for the correction of our representation, and for religious liberty, has drawn upon you

the
anger

of Parasites, whose weapons are not dangerous because they are pointed, but because they are poisoned. It is neither by their wit nor by their arguments, that they can hope to defeat your

exertions

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exertions in the cause of freedom. If their quiver contained such arrows, they have wisely reserved them for their last attack. The only arms they have hitherto ufed are, slander and abuse ; like unpractised fencers, who flourish the wooden swords of children, before they have learned to handle the weapons of men. Their only method of offence has been,

-Spargere voces In vulgum ambiguasI HAVE dedicated these discourses to you, from no party attachments. Your political principles are neither confined to the Adininistration nor to the Opposition. As for your religious sentiments, I must suppose them to be very different, and I have never once enquired what they are. It is sufficient for my present purpose, that you are the friends of Religious Liberty. It is in that character I address you.

Whether our opinions of Christianity be right or wrong, we are perfectly agreed, not only in our revolution to abominate every method of propagating them unknown to the primitive Christians, and abhorrent to justice and to the gentleness of Christ, but also in our revolution to reprobate every such union of them with politics, as is inconsistent with the equal privileges of men.

GENTLE

GENTLEMEN of the Society for the ABOLITION of the

SL AYE-TRADE. He who travels in the same road with his betters, is sometimes favoured with a little of their company; because they see he is a man, they reflect that he is a brother. On the strength of this hope, I have dedicated to you two performances, in both of which I have endeavoured to vindicate those rights you have so nobly defended. I cannot help feeling something of reverence, when I appear in the presence of men, whose sentiments and conduct reflect difgrace upon all the philosophers, legislators, and heroes of antiquity. You, Gentlemen, have taught infidels to behold the happy influence which Christianity has, in promoting the present interests of mankind. You have thewn them, that it is the only religion which can restore men to the original feelings of their nature : that as it is the only one which supplies a rational devotion to our Maker, so it is the only one that prescribes a settled morality to our fellow-creatures. In you, they behold characters, which the legislation of Egypt, which the wisdom of Greece, and which the virtue of Rome never could emulate. In you, they behold human nature with all

the

the mellowness of its humours, with all the warmth of its feelings, with all the glow of its passions, with all the fineness of its ligaments, and with all the edge of its sensibilities. In your virtue, they behold the link by which man is connected with man, and the most distant nations foftened into love. They behold man awakened to recognise his rights, and to cherish his own flesh and blood.

Your labours on a former occasion, were not attended with the success to which they were entitled. Your eloquence was powerful, but that of avarice and of luxury was prevalent. The time however approaches, when they will no longer be able to overpower the voice of reason, and the call of nature. Mean-while, you have the consolation to think, that your exertions will be remembered with gratitude, when those of oppressors will be forgotten, or will be remembered only with indignation. You have the still higher confolation, that you have laboured for the happiness of the human race. To you belongs all the honour of the intention, and to others the whole disgrace of its disappointment.--Gentlemen, your efforts have at last roused the Genius of Britain, and nothing is heard but the lan

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