the importance of the subject on which I respectable company of the bank of Eng am now addressing you. It is important land. If I am not also misinformed, the to the high person whom the propositions report to a certain degree involves the chawith which I shall conclude principally racter of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. involve. It is important to the very Pitt) on the other side of the house. With salvation and existence of our coun-respect to what is said in the report about try. It is important to the commis- the Bank of England, I am not satisfied sioners who have brought forward this that the conduct of the governors in almost interesting report. If the house de-lowing the money, the public money, to cide, as it appears to me that they are in be withdrawn in the way in which it has duty bound, and as it strikes me it is al- been, was correct. On the contrary, it most impossible for them not to decide, has every appearance of being in direct it will prove that no person guilty of so opposition to the express regulations of flagrant a violation of an express act of an act of parliament. The evidence of the parliament, as that contained in the tenth officer of the Bank, who was examined bereport, that no individual strongly sus-fore the commissioners, does not fully do pected of conniving at such unwarrant-away this impression. With respect to able application of the public money, or what I alluded to respecting the right hon. receiving any advantage from this misap-gentleman opposite, I shall explain my plication, however high his rank or exten- meaning in a few words. I have been sive his influence, shall escape with im-informed that the right hon. gentleman, punity. The public will look with reve-several years ago, when he last held the rence to our decisions; they will be con- same situation which he now enjoys, was vinced that a door is opened for the intro-informed of the existence of the practice duction of regularity and economy in our of withdrawing the public money con public expenditure, and that if our bur-trary to an express act of parliament, and thens are extreme, their produce will at that no steps whatever were taken to put least be applied to the purposes for which an end to it. If this statement be correct, parliament intended them. If, on the the right hon. gent. will permit me to say, contrary, our decision should be contrary to these just hopes and expectations; if we shall, in defiance of the report on our table, pronounce the noble lord not guilty, then indeed the people will have serious cause for complaint and indignation; then the vulgar assertion may with great apparent plausibility be employed; we may with truth be accused of seeking only emo-During the greater part of his life he has lument as our sole object, in place of the enjoyed an ample share of the public regood of our country. No longer can we wards, and public honours. For a period be considered as statesmen animated by a of thirty years he has been in the unin laudable spirit of ambition-that ambition terrupted possession of some lucrative of implanted in our nature to incite us to fice, and he has at the same time exercised high deeds. We must then be considered a most extensive influence. He has, no as acting only from the base, sordid mo-doubt, many friends attached to him by tives which degrade the character of the the consciousness of obligation, and though statesman, and render him contemptible he is not now present to hear the charge in the eyes of his fellow citizens. Feeling preferred against him, he has many friends these truths severely, I do trust that the in this house who will be happy in the house will accede to those propositions opportunity of undertaking his defence. which it is my intention to found on the Thinking, then, that I take no unfair adfacts which the tenth report has disclosed. vantage of him, I proceed to that charge This report involves a considerable num-which his friends will be fully able to exber of individuals. It is not only Lord plain to him in another place. In con Melville and Mr. Trotter, his pay-master, that are involved, but we have Mr. Wilson and Mr. Mark Sprott, who cut no inconsiderable figure in the scene. We have also brought before us the high and VOL. IV. that his conduct betrayed very culpable negligence, and a very unjustifiable con nivance at a practice which every man who values the proper regulation of the public expenditure must consider as highly dangerous. In bringing forward a charge against lord Melville, I do not bring a charge against a mere unprotected individual. ducting this business, it will be my object strictly to adhere to that moderation which is the most adapted for the investigation of truth, but, at the same time, with that firmness and perseverance which my duty S to the public imposes on me. In the case the abuses in the offices of the paymaster which I have to lay before the house, there of the forces and the treasurer of the navy are some circumstances of aggravation were the leading features in all the reports which will render it necessary for me to of the parliamentary committees of that occupy a greater portion of your time, day. In 1781, a positive resolution passthan I could otherwise have wished, and ed on the reports of one of those comto employ terms of greater severity, which, mittees, declaring it as their opinion, that on other occasions, would readily be spar-neither the paymaster nor the treasurer of ed. When I look to the individual who is the navy should draw any part of the pubthe principal criminal, against whom my lic money till it was positively wanted for charge will be directed, I see many reasons the public service. The report further which increase the magnitude of his offence. goes on to state the opinion of the comAt the close of the American war, when mittee, that the treasurer of the navy we were plunged into the greatest national should henceforth act as an accountant, distress, and when the public began to see and not as a banker, to the nation. A rethat there had been a gross misapplication port was at the same time made of the of our resources, petitions flowed in from amount of the treasurer of the navy's saall parts of the country, praying for some lary, which was 20001. exclusive of profit reform in the expenditure of the public arising from the use of balances of the treasure. The right hon. gent. opposite public money in his hands. It was on was then in the dawn of his political life, these reports resolved that all these balanand in nothing did he seem more desirous ces should be forthwith paid into the bank of recommending himself to notice and of England, and that the salary of the treadistinction, than by his zeal for the reform surer should be fixed at 40001. in lieu of of abuses, and his anxiety to have a well-all fees, emoluments, or gratuities of regulated system of economy established in whatever description. What was the conevery part of the public expenditure. Com-duct of Mr. Barré, at that time treasurer mittees were accordingly appointed, and of the navy? Even before the resolution on the reports which they produced, regu- had been submitted to the legislature, he lations were framed for diminishing every spontaneously paid into the Bank of Engsort of unnecessary expenditure, and for land the whole amount of the balances at removing all those causes which had for-that period in his possession. In this case merly created these excesses. Of these the house will see clearly that Mr. Barré the most prominent was the regulation was not placed in circumstances at all pafor lessening the balances in the hands of rallel to those under which lord Melville public officers. It was at the same time has acted. There hitherto existed no poresolved that a number of the fees and sitive law to force Mr. Barré to surrender gratuities formerly existing in public offi-up his balances, but he very wisely bowed ces should be withdrawn, and instead of to the decision of a committee of the them permanent and adequate salaries house, and shewed his readiness even to should be allowed. It was particularly anticipate the future resolution of the leJaid down, as a most important regulation, gislature. Mr. Barré thus gave the promptthat the paymaster of the forces and the est proof of his obedience to the voice treasurer of the navy should have a speci-of parliament, and it was proved before fic salary, and that they should neither di- the commissioners by the only person rectly or indirectly derive any advantage now surviving to attest the fact, that Mr. from the use of the public money. Now, Barré never afterwards, directly or indi these resolutions are alive in the recol-rectly, received the least emolument from lection and feelings of many gentlemen who the public money beyond the established are at present members of this house; and salary; and the same observation applies sure I am, that lord Melville is the very to every one of those in his employment last man in the world who can at all plead [A cry of hear! hear!]. Lord Melville ignorance of their existence. He, indeed, succeeded Mr. Barré for a few months, as distinguished himself at that period for his treasurer of the navy; and whether, durprofessed zeal for the reform of abuses, ing this short period, he received any with what sincerity I leave to the judg-vantage from the public money, whether ment of the house to decide, He surely it was placed in the Bank of England, could not have possibly misunderstood the locked up in the iron chest, or lodged in intention of the legislature, and I am not the hands of a private banker, I have not now to inform him for the first time, that at this day the opportunity of deciding. ad This is at least certain, that Lord Bayn-ble lord's own sake, I trust it will not be ing, who succeeded Lord Melville, had no resorted to. But, sir, let me only call your sort of difficulty in answering the commis-attention to the preamble of the bill, and sioners. His answer was manly and ho- the house will see that neither its letter nourable. On being asked, whether he nor spirit can be misunderstood for a sinenjoyed any separate emolument or ad-gle moment. The preamble of the bill vantage from the public money, he une- recites all the abuses specified in the seve quivocally answers in the negative. After ral reports, alludes to the resolutions for the dissolution of the ministry of that day, the correction of those abuses, and spewe again have Lord Melville treasurer of cifies that a specific salary is to be given the navy. On his resuming his old station in lieu of all fees, emoluments, or advan. he discovered that the salary did not ex-tages. A competent salary was esta actly amount to the sum which parliament blished, that all temptation to make an proposed. An act of council accordingly improper use of the public money might passed on this representation, and the net be avoided. Thus then, both accordsalary of 40001. a year was established. ing to the spirit and letter of the act, This sum so established, was expressly it was impossible for the noble lord, or declared to be in lieu of all emoluments, any other human being, to mistake what fees or advantages. In 1785, in conse- was the direct object of the legislature. quence of a recommendation of his ma- Now, what was the first act of the first part, jesty in his speech from the throne, an act in the second treasurership of Lord Melwas passed, containing those regulations ville, with this act expressly in his view? on which the future conduct of the civil The act says, that all money shall be imdepartment of the navy was to be orga-mediately taken from the hands of the nised. At that time the right hon. gentle-treasurer, and lodged in the Bank of man opposite held out to the house the England. The act passed in July, 1785, most brilliant picture of the beneficial ef- and it was not till the subsequent January fects of these plans of improvement. While that the balances were paid into the Bank, he spoke of the means by which economy agreeably to the terms of the act. What was to be promoted, he did not forget the no- possible excuse can be set up for such an ble lord against whom my charge is now to be extraordinary violation of an act of parpreferred, but selected him as the person liament, in the framing of which the noble most fit to carry them into the fullest acti-lord himself, in all probability, took a vity. He must now have seen his mistake, material interest? He is the first to vioor, at least, the public were long since con- late that law to which so much importance vinced both of the fallacy of the hopes by is attached. In what manner too does this which they were flattered, and the peculiar violation take place? It appears, that on unfitness of the noble lord to undertake any the 31st January, 1784, the balance in thing like national reform in any one of the hands of the treasurer of the navy was its departments. From the conduct which upwards of 70,000l.; and in July, 1785, the noble lord has since pursued, one it had increased to upwards of 113,0001. would think that he had been employed being an augmentation of more than in the work of reform only to bring it into 42,000l. betwixt the two periods to which contempt; that he was put forth as an I have alluded. I wish to know then why instrument of correcting abuses only to this delay in the transfer of the balance render them more inveterate. The bill of took place? It is impossible to account 1785 did pass, and the noble lord was the for this by any consistent principle. The person selected to carry it for the appro- only way of accounting for the matter sabation of the other branch of the legisla- tisfactorily, is to suppose that it was withture. Never was the spirit as well as the held with the sole view of private emoluletter of any act less favourable to wilful ment. I know it has been contended that misrepresentation; never could any thing the delay took place in consequence of afford a more wretched handle for any some regulations in the treasurer's office thing like subterfuge and equivocation. 1 being incomplete, but will such a pretext cannot suffer myself to believe that the as this impose even on the weakest under friends of the noble lord will attempt to screen his conduct, under pretence that the letter of the law has not been violated. Such an apology would only serve to heighten his criminality; and, for the no standing? What difficulty was there in the transfer which the act required? What new regulations were, wanting to complete the safe lodgment of the balances of the treasurer of the navy in the such an extremity against the noble lord, though my duty impels me to bring him be fore the proper tribunal. In making out my charge against the noble lord I must call your attention to what is stated in the re port, for it is material to see what is the na then, the commissioners found that there bad been for a number of years deficiencies in the treasurer's department, to the Bank of England? But it is to such wretched pretexts as this that the noble lord is reduced when unable to give any other reason for the violation of au act of parliament than that which I have just referred to. Such is the situation in which we find the noble lord at the expi-ture of the evidence produced. First of all, ration of the first part of his second treasurership. I shall now go on to the consideration of the sequel of this second treasurership, which forms the grand sub-amount of upwards of 674,000l. a year. I ject of the tenth report. In doing this I am not now wishing to rest much on the shall arrange my observations under three correctness of the particular sum. Whe distinct charges. In the first place, then, ther it be ten pence, ten pounds, or even I charge Lord Melville with baving appli- a million, the principle is the same, what, ed the money of the public to other uses ever be the magnitude of the deficiency. than those of the naval department with That a deficiency did exist is not denied, which he was connected, in express con- for even lord Melville himself owns its ex tempt of an act of parliament, and in grossistence. In this situation the commissio violation of his duty. I charge the nobleners evinced a very laudable desire to aslord, in the second place, with conniving certain how the deficiencies had originated; at a system of peculation in an individual, and for this purpose it was necessary that for whose conduct in the use of the public lord Melville and Mr. Trotter should be money he was deeply responsible, and for summoned before them. As in this state this connivance I denounce him as guilty of the business I shall have frequent occa of a high crime and misdemeanour. To sion to allude to Trotter, it may be proper these two charges I shall, on the present to say a few words in explanation. When occasion, chiefly confine myself; but there I speak of Trotter, I speak at the same is still a third, on which I shall not insist time of lord Melville, for in the whole of very largely now, but which, if the in- this business they are completely identiquiry is instituted, I shall feel myself most fied. The action of the one I view as the powerfully called on to support in this action of the other. This, indeed, is the house. I mean here to allude to the strong exact view taken by the committees which suspicion that the noble lord himself was reported on the situation of the treasurer a participator in that system of peculation and paymaster of the navy. They cousi to which I have referred, and is conse-dered the office of treasurer as a mere sinequently liable to very severe pains and pe-cure, the whole of his business being done nalties. Unless what has been said could by a deputy, and in this relation precisely be unsaid, unless what has appeared be- does Mr. Trotter stand to lord Melville, fore the commissioners could be oblite-The one transacts the business, and the rated, it appears to me almost impossible other incurs all the responsibility. The to get rid of this impression. I have said treasurer of the navy, as in lord Melville's that I will pursue this inquiry with mo-case, was often a privy and even a cabinet deration on my own part, but I repeat that counsellor, and it is very fit that he should I will follow it up with steadiness and firm-be relieved from the cares of office. But ness for the country. It is certainly to the if he is to enjoy emolument without labour, honour of our public men, that even in times when party spirit was at its height, when the political world was the most violently agitated and convulsed, charges such as that which I now bring forward against the noble lord have seldom been preferred. It is a singular circumstance, however, that the only instance of a similar charge for a great number of years was brought against a great public criminal by the same noble lord whose accuser I now appear. I allude to the case of Sir T. Rumbold for realversations in India; but it is not my wish to carry matters to it surely is not asking too much to have a were all the regulations that the noble lord a little seriously in his mind, an! he does proposed for the economical govt. of the begin to recollect that he does know somenavy conceded to him, and he had nothing thing of the business. He confesses that left to impede his favourite plans of im- he had been, from 1786 down to the peprovement; and he is the man to autho-riod when he was examined, in the habit rize his own paymaster to hold in contempt of drawing out the public money, and the peremptory orders of the legislature! placing it in the hands of his own banker. He heaps up regulations and takes not The commissioners inquire a little further the least care that they shall be in one into the matter, but he will give them no shape or other observed. On the contrary, satisfaction. "You have no right to ask these deficiencies are evidence how grossly me these questions, that is my private mothe intentions of the legislature have been ney." Nay, he even arraigns the com evaded. Before I consider what Mr.missioners, and in a paper which, from Trotter's answer was, let me remark, that mere indulgence, they allowed him to prethe general complexion of the evidence sent, he pretty clearly insinuates that before the commissioners was of a very they were a parcel of gentlemen making extraordinary description. I had almost themselves a great deal too free with other said, all the witnesses gave a reluctant and people's secrets. Five different times is disgraceful testimony. I was rather un-Mr. Alexander Trotter examined, and he guarded in my expression, for I own that refuses to give the commissioners the inseveral respectable gentlemen gave their formation they require. He talks, indeed, testimony with a candour that did honour of sums advanced for other departments of to their character and feelings. The others the government, and alludes to Mr. Long gave a testimony extorted from them, or having repaid to him some of the sums so sheltered their guilt under mysterious si-advanced. I am sorry that Mr. Long was lence. Much as I approve of and admire not examined before the commissioners. I the proceedings of the commissioners, I do think his statements might have thrown a wish that they had forced some of these good deal of light on this subject. Though, gentlemen to favour us with a little more however, Mr. Long was not examined beof their reluctant information. I think fore the commissioners, the fact of the they might have done this in perfect con-advances is admitted by lord Melville in sistency with the powers with which they his first letter to the commissioners. Inwere invested. What is stated in this re-deed this letter was altogether of an exluctant testimony has, however, this ad-traordinary complexion. It was, however, vantage, that it possesses the strongest of a piece with his lordship's evidence, and character of credibility. It has been strange- with his last letter, on both of which I ly asserted by some persons that the re-shall, before I sit down, make a few obport of the commissioners is altogether exservations. His lordship tells the comparte, and ought not to be the foundation missioners that he cannot give them the of of any decision. I really am at a loss to information they required, because he conceive how any man can make such a cannot disclose confidential communicastrange assertion. I ask, had not lord tions of government; but his great arguMelville and Mr. Trotter a fair opportu-ent is, that he is not in possession of the nity of vindicating their character before papers containing the advances to other the commissioners, if they were conscious departments, having, for mere amusement of innocence? When lord Melville was no doubt, committed them to the flames. asked a plain question as to his appropria- I do maintain, that this avowal of the notion of any part of the public money, ble lord is highly culpable. The destrucwhat had he to do? Why, he had only tion of these papers was, in a person of to declare on his oath and his honour his knowledge of business, a great crime No. What had Mr. Trotter to do? He and misdemeanor. He ought to have had only to give the same answer of No. known that papers of such a description But how do they think fit to proceed? In- are the property of no individual; they stead of following the plain path of integri-are the property of the nation. I recollect ty and honour, they profess total ignorance several committees complaining of the of deficiencies in the public money to a destruction of papers, and stating that, vast amount. The paymaster is called in consequence of such destruction, their before the commissioners, and he profes-inquiries were either retarded or altogeses to know nothing at all of the matter. ther destroyed. To destroy public papers, By and by he, however, turns the matter referring to a recent date, does, in my |