:

presentatives of all the romanists of Ireland, on the point should induce all loyal subjects, these resolutions, together with abstracts of who have been deluded into an opinion of the speeches of the principal demagogees its utility to the state, to re-examine the among them, were published in most of the grounds of their opinion, and the authenti factious papers, both in Great Britain and city of the information on which they formIreland. Here then is proof positive of ed it. It is fit to be remarked, that the first the hostile sentiments of the whole mass of decisive step of the French revolutionists in Irish romanists, not of any partial body their career of anarchy, was the subversion of them, to the measure of and incorporat- of their church establishment, which led iming union of the two nations so late as the mediately to the subversion of their civil year 1795. Their declarations against government. The consequence of the prothe measure did not stop there in the year posed measure, if adopted, will be the same 1799, as soon as an union was proposed in the British empire; it therefore meets by government, a meeting of the ro- the approbation of all the Jacobins in it. manists of the city of Dublin was convened To demonstrate that Irish romanists neiby their leaders at the Royal Exchange; ther gave, nor could give, any assistance to at this meeting, a very general one, they en- the measure of an incorporating union, it is tered into violent resolutions against an only necessary to state a known matter of union, which they published as usual in the fact, which is, that a great majority of the factious papers both in England and Ireland. Irish parliament would never have agreed The same line of conduct was pursued in to an incorporating union with Great Briseveral other parts of Ireland, though this tain, if any hint had been given, or had it hostility of the Irish romanists to an union even been suspected, that the present measure was perfectly impotent, the political imbe- would be attempted, after an union had taken cility of the whole sect, particularly after the place. I call on the persons concerned on suppression of their then recent rebellion, the part of government in conducting the rendering them incapable either of promot- business of the union in the Irish house of ing or obstructing the measure; yet the En-commons to deny this fact, if they can; for glish government in Ireland condescended my own part, I can truly aver, that, instead to negotiate with the party, and endeavour- of warmly supporting the measure of an ed to procure signatures of the dregs of the union in the Irish commons, I would people of that persuasion to papers and ad- have opposed it to the utmost of my power, dresses in favours of the measure. Several had I suspected that such a addresses of this kind appeared in the go- as the present would have been introduced vernment prints; the names of wretches into the imperial parliament, in the event of who could not write their names, appeared an incorporating union taking place; and I as if they were subscribers to such addresses. know many members of the Irish commons, The very gaols were canvassed to procure supporters of the union, who would have subscribers, and multitudes of names ap- decidedly opposed it, had they any suspipeared, as the names of real subscribers to cion of the present measure being one of these addresses, though persons of such its consequences: in short, a great majority names did not exist in the places from which of the Irish commons would have done so. the addresses were stated to have been sent: One principal argument made use of by all in short, with all the activity and intrigue the agents of government to the Irish memof government, no considerable body of bers to induce them to agree to an union romanists throughout the kingdom could was, that all hostility of the British cabinet to be procured publicly to avow their approba- Irish protestants, and all further encouragetion of the measure. It is admitted, that ment and support of Irish romanists, would many honest men, and good subjects at this for ever cease, on an union between the side of the water (utterly ignorant of the two countries taking place, because all instate of Ireland, and of Irish affairs) have ducement to such a species of policy would been duped, by the grossest falsehoods and then for ever cease. Could any British submisrepresentations, into an approbation of the ject ever suspect that in the reign of a prince measure now in debate; and that there is a of the house of Brunswick, a measure would difference of opinion among men of that de- be proposed in a British parliament, the atscription respecting it; but amohg dema- tempting of which cost the unhappy James gogues, republicans, and infidels, there is no II. his crown, expatriated him and his pos difference of opinion on it. They are una- terity, and caused a breach in the hereditary nimous in its support; and their unanimity succession of our kings, always a serious

measure

evil in an hereditary monarchy? Asto-ready proved, that it cannot be esteered a nishing, that what our kings could not even reward of their merits, for merits they have attempt with impunity, should be, after a none. The favourers of this measure al lapse of one century, daringly attempted; lege, that it is calculated to proluce unaniand that too under the reign of a prince, mity among the European spots of the whose sole title to the crown rests on a prin- British empire, now more necessary than ciple, directly adverse and opposite to the heretofore to the propity and independ-" principle of this measure! His title is a pro-ence of the state, from he overgrown power testant title, and, thanks to heaven! our of France, an (echoing the words of James monarch is a protestant, a sincere one, II. in support of the same measure) that it and bound by his oath, and as strongly by will render the subjects of the Britishhis principles, to maintain the protestant re-empire, happy and flourishing at home," ligion as by law established. This measure and formidable abroad. But it is demon directly tends to the sapping of his title; for strable that the adoption of it will proif it is just and advantageous to the state, duce the direct contrary effect, and will arm now to invest romanists with equal political the romanists with a formidable power, privileges with protestants, it was equally so which they will infallibly exercise for the in the reign of king James II. Such a mea- destruction of the state. The religious-tesure, now that an union between Great Bri- nets of romanists render them irrecontain and Ireland has taken place, is more cilable enemies to a protestant state; they mischievous to the British empire, than it must cease to be romanists before their could have been in the reign of James; be- hostility to such a state can be extin cause in his reign few romanists could ob- guished: they hold, as infallible doctrines, tain seats in the British parliament, as their the decrees of the fourth Lateran council: sect was not then, nor is it now, very nu- they hold as a point of faith, the supremacy merous in Great Britain. But Irish ro- of the pope they hold themselves bound manists, if this measure succeeds, will ob- by all the obligations of religion, to propa tain seats in the imperial parliament, and ate these doctrines by every means of per in the course of a few years (as will be suasion and force. In conformity with such preser ly shew) above eighty romanists, doctrines they hold, that all people, differout of the hundred Irish commoners, willing from them in matters of faith, are hereobtain seats in the imperial parliament :--atics doomed to eternal perdition: they hold strong band, indissolubly kn.t together, who that no faith is to be kept with heretics: will certainly be allies to every junto of ie- they hold that no oaths of allegiance to an publicans, every band of dissenters, in every heretical prince or government are binding opposition to government, unless they shall Can the members of such a sect be admitted be gratified to the utmost extent of their to share in the government of a protestant wishes, by the utter subversion of the con- state? I conceive that no honest man in his stitution in church and state. Can any doc- reason will answer in the affirmative. No trine make more for the purposes and de- protestant state in Europe, in the governsigns of the infidel and republican factions ment of which the people at large had a in our empire? Can any measure more di- share, such as the republic of the United Prorectly tend to the subversion of cur consti- vinces before the late revolution, ever adtation in church and state, and the introduc-mitted a romanist, or any person who didtion of anarchy, democracy, and infidelity? not profess the religion of the state, to any It may be justly remarked, that this mea-portion of political power. No arguments sure for the elevation and aggrandisement in favour of the measure can be deduced of popery, following so immediately on the heels of the Romish, rebellion in Ireland, and the horrible massacre of the Irish protestants in the course of it, coupled with the almost general pardon of the principal traitors and murderers, actors in it, if it should be adopted, must, by every reasonable man, be considered as a public reward conferred on Irish romanists for their rebellion and cruel murder of their protestant fellow subjects in cold blood; and that too a reward of the utmost magnitude and value: it is al

ན་་

from the employment of romanists in some departments of the state by protestant despotic princes; because in their states the people at large have no political power, and' the ministers must implicitly obey the orders of the prince; yet even in such despotic states, the instances of the elevation of romanists to great employments are very few, if any. It may be objected, that romanists declare themselves ready to swear allegiance in temporal matters to a protestant govern ment; and assert, that they hold no such

doctrine, as that faith is not to be kept with
heretics and to shew that they look on
oaths to heretics to be binding, they argue,
that if they did not think themselves bound
by such oaths, they would not refuse to take
the oath of supremacy, the taking of which
would qualify them to enjoy the privileges
they are now so ardently in pursuit of. To
this it is answered, that the aforesaid doc-
trine is contained in the decisions of the La-
teran council, a very general one, and so
held to be by all romanists: that the prac-
tice of the court of Rome and of all its vas-
sals and votaries, has been always strictly
conformable to such doctrine: that the re-
cent publications of the most celebrated di-
vines of that persuasion; and among others,
of Doctors Troy and Hussey, one an arch-
bishop, the other a bishop, and both sub-
jects of this empire, state, "That Roman
catholics consider the express decisions of
their general councils, as infallible autho-
rity in points of doctrine:" that the rejec-
tion of the oath of supremacy by Romanists,
notwithstanding their taking it would en-
title them to great privileges, is no proof
that they consider themselves bound by
oaths, by which they plight their faith to an
heretical government, or to heretics in ge-
neral: because the oath of supremacy con-
tains an abjuration of the supremacy of the
pope, under the title of a foreign prelate;
and such an oath their religion will not per-
mit them to take. Doctor Troy, among
others of their eminent divines, tells them,
"That Roman catholics cannot conscien-
tiously abjure the ecclesiatical authority of
the bishop of Rome, the supreme jurisdic-
tion of the pope in spirituals being a fance
mental article of the Romish faith." But the
express decisions of the council of Lateran
(intallible authority with them in points of
doctrine) tell thein that no faith is to be kept
with heretics, and that all pledges of faith
given to hereties, by oaths, or otherwise, are
absolutely null and void, consequently are
not binding, and ought not to be observed;
so that they may take such oaths, and break
them at their pleasure, as absolute nullities
in themselves: and such has been the con-
stant and avowed practice of their church.
It is now time to give a general catalogue of
the momentous alterations in the British
constitution in church and state, which will
be the inevitable consequences of this mea-
sure if it shall take place: but it is however
first necessary to make a few preliminary ob-
servations--By the union the number of
Irish representatives in the commons are re-
duced from three hundred to one hundred;

of these, sixty-four are members for coun-
ties, and the remaining thirty-six for cities
and great towns. All close boroughs, with
the exception of one, as I recollect, and the
most of the influenced boroughs, are deprived
of the privilege of sending representatives to
parliament. By an Irish act of parliament
in the year 1793, obtained by the intrigues
and influence of the British ministry, and
passed in opposition to the opinions of the
best informed men in Ireland, romanists be-
came entitied to vote at the elections of
members of parliament. Most of the cities
and great towns, which retain the privilege
of sending members to parliament since the
union, such as Dublin, Wexford, Water-
ford, Cork, Limerick, Galway, Derry, Car-
rickfergus, and Drogheda, are counties with-
in themselves; and a freehold of forty shil-
lings annual value entitles the person seised
of it to a vote. Newry and some other,
towns are pot-walloping boroughs: so that
the representatives of the Irish commons are
almost all returned to parliament by elec-
tions merely and purely popular. The right,
of voting in very few of the towns or bo-
roughs entitled to representation in parlia
ment is confined to the members of the cor-
poration only; and romanists, by the afore-,
said Irish act of 1793, are entitled to become
members of corporations. The Irish ro-.
manists are in the proportion of about two
to one to the Irish protestants in general;
and the proportion among the peasantry of
Ireland is greater in favour of the romanists,
than among the other classes of society. The
landed estates in Ireland, in the possession
of protestants and romanists, are in the pro-,
portion of fifty to one in favour of the pro-
testants: but when the bill in 1793 passed,
qualifying romanists to vote for representa-.
tives in parliament, the protestant landlords
almost universally changed the tenures of
their popish tenants, which before were for
terms of years, into freehold leases; vainly.
imagining, that they would always retain in-
fluence enough with their Romish tenantry
to command their votes at elections, Little
did they consider the all-ruling authority of
Romish bigotry over its votaries, as many of
them found to their great disappointment at
the general election, which first succeeded
the year 1793. One gentleman of large
landed property, and a representative of a.
county, informed me, that he and his col-
league had every reasonable expectation,
from their great landed interest in the coun
ty, of being returned members for it with-
out any contest or expense: but a gentle-
man of very insignificant landed property in

:

the county, unexpectedly declared himself a eighty at least out of the hundred Irish repres candidate, and went round to all the Romishsentatives will be romanists; and it is fair to chapels, soliciting the votes of the romanists conjecture, that twenty or more romanists in the county, and promising, if elected, to will obtain seats in the imperial commons for support all their pretensions in parliament. English boroughs, as the whole Romish face On this occasion the Romish tenants of the tion throughout the empire will exert ther gentleman who gave me the information, powers to strengthen their party in parlia made freeholders by himself, universally ment; and some Romish peers will sit in the deserted him, and promised their votes to upper house. The romanists will certainly the new candidate; and the Romish priests act in parliament as one body; their union, through the county so effectually bestirred cemented by religious principle, and the in themselves with their votaries in support of terest of their sect, will smother every seed the new candidate, that my friend and his of dissension among them all allurements colleague were obliged to give a large sum of of individual interest will fail of effect, when money to this adventurer to induce him to put in competition with the interests of their abandon the canvass, and thereby to save religion; their bigotry will bind them togethemselves from the fatigue and expense of ther in adamantine bonds; and what their a contested election. Certain it is, that the conduct in the supreme legislative council of whole body of the Romish peasantry, who the empire will be, it is not hard to divine:→→→ by the folly and credulity of their landlords The first measure they will unanimously prohave been made freeholders since the year pose, and with unremitting efforts pursue and 1793, will desert their interest on every support, will be the repeal of so much of the election, when told by their priests that it is Irish act of 1793, conferring on them the for the interest of their religion that they elective franchise, as continues the disability should do so. In the last Irish rebellion, the of romanists without taking the oaths, to fill popish peasantry pursued their landlords about thirty or forty of the great offices of (most of them very indulgent to their te- the state, in the departments of which is nants, and from their attachment to roman- lodged the executive power of the govern ists entitled men of liberality) with the ut- ment. By the incessant intrigues in Ireland most fury and rancour, massacreing them of the English ministry, the test and corpora and their families without mercy, when they tion acts had been repealed in that part of the fell into their hands. Such has been the empire previous to the union, with the exfrenzy of the protestant landlords of Ireland, ception of the above-mentioned great offices and their ambition of surpassing each other of the state: these are the offices of lord in county interest, that they have made al- lieutenant, of lord chancellor, of the twelve most the whole mass of the popish peasant-judges, of the commander in chief of the are ry forty-shilling freeholders since the year my, of the king's counsel, of sheriffs, and a 1793; so that the Romish freeholders of few others. If the minister of the day, at a that description exceed in number the pro- future critical period, should oppose, or 'des ¦ testant freeholders of every description, cline to support such a measure, the whole throughout three parts in four of Ireland: corps will immediately join the opposition; and if this measure shall take effect, roman- and the opposition, to secure the assistance' ists will be returned members of parliament of such numerous auxiliaries, will heartily" for most of the counties at large, counties of fraternize with them. In many cases of natowns, and pot-wallopping boroughs through- tional distress and difficulty, the ablest miout Ireland: and the principle of representa-nister, though adverse to their claims, will tion in the British constitution, that property should be the basis of representation, will be completely reversed in Ireland, and the basis there will be numbers, not property.-- But even in respect of property, the influence of popery will be daily advancing in Ireland, because, in a commercial country, land is as often at market, and changes hands, as personal property; and landed as well as personal property will, in a slow but certain progression, creep to that class of the population which is the most numerous. From the foregoing observations it is a just conclusion, that in a very short time, if this measure is effected,

be unable to stem the torrent; and the part of the test and corporation acts, yet in force in Ireland, will not survive the admission of romanists into parliament for many sessions. When the capability of romanists of filling these great offices in Ireland is once esta blished, will it be practicable to exclude them from occupying them? Certainly it will not. Their dissatisfaction at such exclu sion would be greater than at their former disqualification. The great majority of the Irish representatives in the imperial parlia ment being romania, aqldab by the English romanists, and indissolubly connected world