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state or to public order, or hurtful to the rights of private persons, and are subject to the penal laws if they constitute a crime."

The first draft of Article XVII. was too strong. It said openly that, in case of conflict between the civil and ecclesiastical powers, the supreme civil tribunal of the kingdom was to decide. This was toned down to suit rather tender susceptibilities; but the article says the same thing in even stronger terms, if we look to the penal sanction referred to. Here, then, was the official legal subjugation of the pope to Italy, making him a subject and a prisoner, as he already was by force of arms. Again, in a discussion in Parliament, the Senator Amari, speaking of the impossibility of reconciliation between Italy and the papacy, gave as a reason that the Constitution of Italy was little more than a document embracing the propositions of the "Syllabus," condemned by Rome. This is as true as it is pithy, and places the antagonism of the two powers forcibly before the mind. This is in the speculative order; in the practical sphere the exactions and confiscations of the Italian Government, the suppression of religious corporations, the numberless acts of oppression on its part, make the opposition yet more pronounced. Even the property of the Propaganda, the gift of people of various nations for the welfare of the missions, has not been respected. To seize and sell the property of a board of foreign missions here would certainly be deservedly condemned by all. Yet this is what the Italian Government has done, giving in return credit, on the Book of the Public Debt, for a sum, the interest of which it taxes at the rate of thirteen and one-fifth per centum. More important than these financial embarrassments caused to the church, is the system of espionage kept up by the Italian Government's agents with regard to the Vatican. It is the boast, at the offices of state, that whatever goes on at the Vatican is known there at once. The appropriation and publication of the circular of Cardinal Rampolla, when we were last in Rome we saw laid to the charge of those who were acting for the government of Italy. Is this freedom, or is it captivity? The weekly "Gossip from the Vatican," published by the "Italie," shows that profane eyes are watching, and profane ears listening, in the sacred precincts of the papal palace.

To all this we must add that the influence of the government is thrown in favor of teaching and of legislation favorable to irreligion and vice; for Moleschott teaches in the University, and the police license houses of ill repute. We have grave reason, then, to think that the incompatibility of Italy and the pope is radical and lasting. What makes this more apparent is the fact that the spirit of the Italian Government is the spirit of freemasonry. On what terms freemasonry and the church are, is well known. European masonry means naturalism, and the church means revelation, the supernatural in religion. The two have met on the field of Rome, and it is a duel to the death. When the late Signor Depretis, Premier of Italy, died, last August, Signor Adriano Lemmi, Grand Master of the Masonic Order, Sovereign Delegate, Grand Commander of the Supreme Council of the Thirty-three, sent to Signora Depretis the following telegram, which throws light on what we have just said:

"Italian masonry is proud of the honors paid to their illustrious brother, Agostino Depretis 33..., who, up to the very last moments of his life, defended and professed masonic principles with honor, courage, loyalty. In our lodges we shall remember always that he devoted himself to the triumph of its humanitarian and generous aspirations. To you, madam, his faithful and dear companion, Italian masonry expresses its sincere condolence and its solemn desire: Educate his son that he follow the example of his father in the holy hatred of the implacable enemy of civilization and of our country. This enemy, covering itself with the spoils of Christ, redoubles, though in vain, its plots against the great work at which, together with the glorious band of our conspirators, soldiers, and martyrs, Agostino Depretis labored, to make, and cause so to remain, Rome intangible, eternal.


With such facts and documents we are prepared to hear Pope Leo XIII. thus address the recent Italian pilgrimage, on January 3d, last. Speaking of the Jubilee, he says:

"This fact, certainly, is due to the action of Divine Providence, which makes the most ordinary circumstances and the least fit instruments serve the glory of the church. But this fact finds its true reason in the exceeding importance of the pontificate. . . . What nation would not think itself fortunate in giving hospitality to this divine institution? On the other hand, what folly to wish to belittle it, by making the mode and conditions of its existence a question of the internal order of one country, of one nation!

What an indignity to wish to have it cast down and humbled in its see, to wish to put obstacles in the way of its free and beneficent action, to place it in the position of a subject, and make it dependent on the will of an assembly or of a ministry! Assuredly, the Catholics of the whole world, jealous of the liberty of their head, and all who have at heart the cause of order and of the safety of human society, will never tolerate it."

We began this paper by criticising Emilio Castelar; we close it by quoting the words of another Spaniard, equally illustrious, Canovas del Castillo, who, on the 6th of February, 1885, being at that time a minister of the crown, made the following declaration, as published in the semi-official "Union," of Madrid, in answer to Señor Labra's assertion that he had spoken of the Roman question as one of the internal order of the kingdom of Italy: "Whatever is possible and necessary in favor of the independ ence of the common father of the faithful the present government of Spain will do with zeal, and so will do also the Conservative party as long as it shall remain in power." And he (Canovas) "will so act from his own convictions and antecedents. What I think, many Catholics think, the immense majority, not to say nearly all; and it is, that a certain historic form of the pontificate is most suitable, most important, necessary for this very independence." This is very categoric, and, considering the posi tion of the speaker, who had to be guarded in his utterances, weighty, as showing this statesman's agreement with the words. just quoted from the reply of Leo XIII.

Passing from statesmen to the people, we conclude with three telegrams lately sent to the pope. The first is from Switzerland, as follows:

"The President of the Council of Administration of the Catholic Publishing Society unites with the Director-general of the Work of St. Paul, in offering to your holiness their most sincere and respectful greetings, resolved to offer their life for you, that there may still be a small portion of the earth where the human race can breathe. This is our greatest glory, our greatest happiness."

The next is from Lisle, January 8:

"The Catholics of Lisle send to their most beloved father the homage of their fidelity, and their most ardent desires for the triumph of his rights."

The last is from the Catholics of Bonn, published Dec. 29, 1887:

"The Catholics of Bonn, celebrating solemnly the most auspicious day on which your holiness completes your fiftieth year of priesthood, giving expression to their best wishes, declare their fidelity and devotion to the apostolic see, and trust that it may shortly reconquer its full liberty and recover its full power."

This article would deservedly be deemed incomplete did we not at least mention the movement going on in Italy, even among the Liberals, looking to the restoration of the temporal power. Colonel Fazzari, an ex-Garibaldian, was elected to Parliament on this issue. He resigned, because he found the members so hostile to the idea, but satisfied in having-we hope we shall not be censured for saying it—made a break in the record. General Turr, another ex-Garibaldian, proposed his plan for securing the papal independence by making Rome a seaport, and leaving it to the pope. The deputy Toscanelli, too, published a letter advocating the cession of a part of Rome and the territory back of the Vatican. Others have published views more or less similar, all showing that they feel that they have a knotty question on their hands that must be solved in favor of sovereign independence of the pope.

This great demonstration, the facts, and the declarations we have cited, will speak for themselves. The Italian Government has not misunderstood them, and by its action in turning out of office the Mayor of Rome, Duke Leopold Torlonia, and the mayors of Pocapaglia, of Trezzo Tinella, and of Gavazzana, because they, by acts, showed good feeling toward the pope, has given us the best evidence that it fears this demonstration in favor of the sovereign pontiff, as the handwriting on the wall, the "mene, thekel, phares," of Italian domination over Rome.


The Forum.

JUNE, 1888.


Two or three years since the newspapers announced Mr. Tulane's gift of over a million of dollars to found a university in Louisiana; a little later came Mr. Clark's gift of two millions, with hints of millions more, to found a university in Massachusetts; and now come details of Governor Stanford's gift of many more millions to found a university in California. During this recent period, too, have come a multitude of noble gifts to strengthen universities already established; among them such as those of Mr. Agassiz, Mr. Greenleaf, and Mr. Boyden at Harvard; of Mr. Kent, Mr. Marquand, and Mr. Chittenden at Yale; of Mr. Phoenix at Columbia; of Mr. Green and Mr. Marquand at Princeton; of Mr. McCormick at the University of Virginia; of Mr. Crouse at Syracuse; of Mr. Sage, Mr. Sibley, and Mr. Barnes at Cornell; and scores of others.

All these are but the continuation of a stream of munificence which began to flow in the earliest years of the nation, but which has especially swollen since the civil war, in obedience to the thoughts of such as Peabody, Sheffield, Cooper, Cornell, Vassar, Packer. Durant, Sage, Johns Hopkins, Sibley, Case, Rose, and very many more.

Such a tide of generosity bursting forth from the hearts and minds of strong and shrewd men who differ so widely from each

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