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The sovereign States of Alabama, Tennessee, and
Mississippi, have recently adopted Resolutions,
sohe, if not all of them, unanimously, in favor of
annexation, and forwarded them to Congress.
The Hon. HENRY A. WISE, a member of Con-
gress from the District in which our present
Chief Magistrate resided when elected Vice-Presi-
dent, and who is understood to be more intimately
acquainted with the views and designs of the pre-
sent administration than any other member of
Congress, most distinctly avowed his desire for,
and expectation of annexation, at the last session
of Congress. Among other things, he said, in a
speech delivered January 26, 1842:

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True, if Iowa be added on the one side, Florida will be added on the other. But there the equation must stop. Let one more Northern State be admitted, and the equilibrium is gone-gone forever. The balance of interests is gone-the safeguard of American property--of the American Constitution-of the American Union, vanished into thin air. This must be the inevitable result, unless by a treaty with Mexico, THE SOUTH CAN ADD MORE WEIGHT TO HER END OF THE LEVER! Let the South stop at the Sabine, (the eastern boundary of Texas,) while the North may spread unchecked beyond the Rocky Mountains, AND THE SOUTHERN SCALE MUST KICK THE BEAM!"

nexation; at all events, he would risk it with the De mocracy of the North.

"Sir," said Mr. W., "it is not only the duty of the Government to demand the liquidation of our claims, and the liberation of our citizens, but to go further, and demand the non-invasion of Texas. Shall we sit still while the standard of insurrection is raised on our borders, and let a horde of slaves, and Indians, and Mexicans roll up to the boundary line of Arkansas and Louisiana? No. It is our duty at once to say to Mexico,If you strike Texas, you strike us; and if England, standing by, should dare to intermeddle, and ask, Do you take part with Texas?' his prompt answer should be, Yes, and against you.' "Such, he would let gentlemen know, was the spirit of the whole people of the great valley of the West.'

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Several other members of Congress, in the same debate, expressed similar views and desires, and they are still more frequently expressed in conversation.

The Hon. Tнo's W. GILMER, a member of Congress from Virginia, and formerly a Governor of that State, numbered as one of the "Guard," and of course understood to be in the counsels of the Cabinet, in a letter bearing date the 10th day of January last, originally designed as a private and confidential letter to a friend, gives it as his deliberate opinion, after much examination and reflection, that TEXAS WILL BE ANNEXED TO THE UNION; and he enters into a spacious argument, and presents a variety of reasons in favor of the measure. He says, among other things:

WASHINGTON, Jan. 10th, 1843.

Finding difficulties, perhaps, in the way of a cession by Treaty, in another speech delivered in April, 1842, on a motion made by Mr. Linn, of N. Y., to strike out the salary of the Minister to Mexico, on the ground that the design of the ExECUTIVE, in making the appointment, was to accomplish the annexation of Texas, Mr. Wise said, "he earnestly hoped and trusted that the President was as desirous (of annexation) as he was represented to be. We may well suppose the President to be in favor of it, as every wise statesman must be who is not governed by fanati-vation of causes, which I believe are rapidly bringing cism, or local sectional prejudices."

He said of Texas, that

"While she was as a State, weak and almost powerless in resisting invasion, she was herself irresistible as an invading and a conquering power. She had but a sparse population, and neither men nor money of her own, to raise and equip an army for her own defense, but let her once raise the flag of foreign conquest-let her once proclaim a crusade against the rich States to the south of her, and in a moment volunteers would flock to her standard in crowds, from all the States in the great valley of the Mississippimen of enterprise and valor, before whom no Mexican troops could stand for an hour. They would leave their own towns, arm themselves, and travel on their own cost, and would come up in thousands, to plant the lone star of the Texan banner on the Mexican capitol. They would drive Santa Anna to the South, and the boundless wealth of captured towns, and rifled churches, and a lazy, vicious, and luxurious priesthood, would soon enable Texas to pay her soldiery, and redeem her State debt, and push her victorious arms to the very shores of the Pacific. And would not all this extend the bounds of Slavery? Yes, the result would be, that before another quarter of a century, the extension of Slavery would not stop short of the Western Ocean. We had but two alternatives before us; either to receive Texas into our fraternity of States, and thus make her our own, or to leave her to conquer Mexico, and. become our most dangerous and formidable rival,

"To talk of restraining the people of the great Valley from emigrating to join her armies, was all in vain; and it was equally vain to calculate on their defeat by any Mexican forces, aided by England or not. They had gone once already; it was they that conquered Santa Anna at San Jacinto; and three-fourths of them, after winning that glorious field, had peaceably returned to their homes. But once set before them the conquest of the rich Mexican provinces, and you might as well attempt to stop the wind. This Government might send its troops to the frontier, to turn them back, and they would run over them like a herd of buffalo."

"Nothing could keep these booted loafers from rushing on, till they kicked the Spanish priests out of the temples they profaned."

Mr. W. proceeded to insist that a majority of the people of the United States were in favor of the an

"DEAR SIR-You ask if I have expressed the opinion, that Texas would be annexed to the United States. I answer, yes; and this opinion has not been adopted without reflection, or without a careful obser

about this result. I do not know how far these causes have made the same impression on others; but I am persuaded that the time is not distant when they will be felt in all their force. The excitement which you apprehend, may arise; but it will be temporary, and in the end, salutary.”

He dodges the Constitutional objections as follows:

"I am, as you know, a strict constructionist of the powers of our federal Government; and I do not admit the force of mere precedent to establish authority under written constitutions. The power conferred by the Constitution over our foreign relations, and the repeated acquisitions of territory under it, seem to me to leave this question open as one of expediency."

"But you anticipate objections with regard to the subject of Slavery. This is indeed a subject of extreme delicacy, but it is one on which the annexation of Texas will have the most salutary influence. Some have thought that the proposition would endanger our Union. I am of a different opinion. I believe it will bring about a better understanding of our relative rights and obligations."

In conclusion, he says:

"Having acquired Louisiana and Florida, we have an interest and a frontier on the Gulf of Mexico, and along our interior to the Pacific, which will not permit us to close our eyes, or fold our arms, with indifference to the events which a few years may disclose in that quarter, We have already had one question of boundary with Texas; other questions must soon arise, under our revenue laws, and on other points of necessary intercourse, which it will be difficult to adjust. The institutions of Texas, and her relations with other governments, are yet in that condition which inclines her people (who are our countrymen,) to unite their destinies with ours.

THIS MUST BE DONE SOON,

No

OR NOT AT ALL. There are numerous tribes of Indians along both frontiers, which can easily become the cause or the instrument of border wars. Our own population is pressing onward to the Pacific. power can restrain it. The pioneer from our Atlantic seaboard will soon kindle his fires, and erect his cabin, beyond the Rocky Mountains, and on the Gulf of California. If Mahomed comes not to the mountain, the mountain will go to Mahomed. Every year adds new difficulties to our progress, as natural and as

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The impoverished condition of Texas, her inability to raise and sustain troops to defend herself against invasion for any length of time, and her want of character and credit abroad, are urged as reasons for IMMEDIATE ANNEXATION, and the opinion has been frequently expressed, by those who feel a deep interest in this subject, that it would take place AT A VERY EARLY DAY IN THE NEXT SESSION OF CONGRESS!

At the present session, the Resolutions of the State of Alabama, in favor of annexation, and sundry petitions and remonstrances against it, were referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. A majority of the Committee, consisting of members from the slaveholding States, refused to consider and report upon the subject, and directed Mr. Adams, their Chairman, to report a resolution, asking to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject, which he did on the 28th day of February. At the same time, Mr. Adams asked, as an individual member of the Committee, for leave to present the following

resolutions!

“ Resolved, That by the Constitution of the United States, no power is delegated to their Congress, or to any department or departments of their Government, to affix to this Union any foreign State, or the people thereof.

"Resolved, That any attempt of the Government of the United States, by an act of Congress, or by treaty, to annex to this Union the Republic of Texas, or the people thereof, would be a violation of the Constitution of the United States, null and void, and to which the Free States of this Union, and their people, ought not to submit."

speech above referred to, in which he labored a long time to convince Northern philanthropists that they would best promote the objects they ad in view, by favoring annexation, that they might have Slavery in Texas within the power and control of our own government, that they might abolish it or mitigate its evils, he himself being an advocate of perpetual Slavery, and among the very foremost to trample upon the right of petition itself!!

None can be so blind now, as not to know that the real design and object of the South is, to “ADI NEW WEIGHT TO HER END OF THE LEVER." It was upon that ground that Mr. Webster placed his opposition, in his speech on that subject in New-York, in March, 1837. In that speech, after stating that he saw insurmountable objections to the annexation of Texas, that the purchase of Louisiana and Florida furnished no precedent for it, that the cases were not parallel, and that no such policy or necessity as led to that, required the annexation of Texas, he said:

"Gentlemen, we all see, that by whomsoever pos sessed, Texas is likely to be a slaveholding country; and I frankly avow my entire unwillingness to do any thing which shall extend the Slavery of the African race on this continent, or add other slaveholding States to the Union. When I say that I regard SlaI only use language which has been adopted by disvery in itself a great moral, social, and political evil, tinguished men, themselves citizens of slaveholding States. I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its further extension."

And again, he said:

"In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring a new, vastly extensive, and slaveholding country, large enough for half a dozen or a dozen States, into the Union. IN MY OPINION THEY OUGHT NOT TO CONSENT to it. Indeed, I am altogether at a loss to conceive what possible benefit any part of this country can expect to derive from such annexation. All benefit, to any part, is at least and strong. doubtful and uncertain, the objections obvious, plain, and strong. On the general On the general question of Slavery, a great portion of the community is already strongly excited. The subject has not only attracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned cord-it has arrested the religious feeling of the country; it has taken a strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, indeed, and little conversaut with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with, or despised. It will assuredly cause itself to be respected."

In conclusion, he said:

Objections being made, the resolutions were not received; the Southern members showing a disinclination to have the subject agitated in the House at present. Might it not be considered as savoring too much of a violation of private confidence, we could refer to various declarations of persons high in office in the national government, avowing a fixed determination to bring Texas into the Union, declaring that they had assurances of the aid of the Free States to accomplish the object, and insisting that they prefer a dissolution of the Union to the rejection of Texas, expressing, however, at the same time, their confidence, that if the annexation could be effected, the people of the Free States would submit to it, and the institutions of the Slave States would be secured and perpetuated. Contenting ourselves, however, with the above brief glance at some of the most prominent evidence in relation to the subject, we submit to you whether the project of annexation seems to be abandoned, and whether there be not the most imminent danger of its speedy accomWe hold that there is not only "no political neplishment, unless the entire mass of the people in cessity" for it, "no advantages to be derived the Free States become aroused to a conviction of from it," but that there is no constitutional power this danger, and speak out, and act in reference delegated to any department of the national gov to it, in a manner and with a voice not to be mis-ernment to authorize it; that no act of Congress, understood, either by the people of the Slave States, or their own public servants and Repre

sentatives.

Although perfectly aware that many important and controlling objections to annexation exist aside from the question of Slavery, we have in this address confined ourselves principally to that, because of its paramount importance, and because the advocates of annexation distinctly place it upon that ground most of the specious arguments and reasons in favor of annexation, with which its advocates attempt to gild the pill for Northern palates, are just about as sincere and substantial as were those of Mr. WISE in the

"I see, therefore, no political necessity for the an nexation of Texas to the Union; no advantages to be derived from it; and objections to it of a strong, and, in my judgment, decisive character.

"I believe it to be for the interest and happiness

of the whole Union, to remain as it is, without dimi

nution and without addition."

or treaty, for annexation, can impose the least obligation upon the several States of this Union to submit to such an unwarrantable act, or to rẻceive into their family and fraternity such misbegotten and illegitimate progeny.

We hesitate not to say, that annexation, effected by any act or proceeding of the Federal Government, or any of its departments, wOULD BE IDENTICAL WITH DISSOLUTION. It would be a violation of our national compact, its objects, designs, and the great elementary principles which entered into its formation, of a character so deep and fundamental and would be an attempt to eternize an institution and a power of a nature

so unjust in themselves, so injurious to the inter- timore Nominating Convention-Mr. Polk ests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of being selected in his stead, by a body which the Free States, as, in our opinion, not only in evitably to result in a dissolution, of the Union, had been supposed pledged to renominate but fully to justify it; and we not only assert that the ex-President-excited considerable feelthe people of the Free States "ought not to sub-ing, especially among the Democrats of New mit to it," but we say, with confidence, THEY York. A number of their leaders united in WOULD NOT SUBMIT TO IT. We know their present temper and spirit on this subject too well to a letter, termed the "Secret Circular," adbelieve for a moment that they would become vising their brethren, while they supported particeps criminis in any such subtle contrivance Polk and Dallas, to be careful to vote for for the irremediable perpetuation or AN INSTITU- candidates for Congress who would set their TION, which the wisest and best men who formed faces as a flint against annexation. Here is our Federal Constitution, as well from the Slave the circular: as the Free States, regarded as an evil and a curse, soon to become extinct under the operation of laws to be passed, prohibiting the Slave Trade, and the progressive influence of the principles of the Revolution.

To prevent the success of this nefarious project -to preserve from such gross violation the Constitution of our country, adopted expressly "to secure the blessings of liberty," and not the perpetuation of Slavery and to prevent the speedy and violent dissolution of the Union we invite you to unite, without distinction of party, in an immediate expression of your views on this subject, in such manner as you may deem best calculated to answer the end proposed.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
SETH M. GATĖS.
WILLIAM BLADE,
WILLIAM B. CALHOUN,
JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS,
SHERLOCK J. ANDREWS,
NATHANIEL B. BORDEN,
THO'S C. CHITTENDEN,
JOHN MATTOCKS.

CHRISTOPHER MORGAN,
JOSHUA M. HOWARD,
VICTORY BIRDSEYE,
HILAND HALL.

WASHINGTON, March 3rd, 1843.

"SIR-You will, doubtless, agree with us, that the late Baltimore Convention placed the Democratic Party, at the North, in a position of great difficulty. We are constantly reminded that it rejected Mr. Van Buren, and nominated Mr. Polk, for reasons connected with the immediate annexation of Texas-reasons which had no relation to the principles of the party. Nor was that all. The Convention went beyond the authority delegated to its members, and adopted a resolution on the subject of Texas (a subject not before the country when they were elected, upon which, therefore, they were not instructed), which seeks to interpolate into the party creed a new doctrine, hitherto unknown among us, at war with some of our established principles, and abhorrent to the opinions and feelings of a great majority of Northern freemen. In this position, what was the party at the North to do? Was it to reject the nominations, and abandon the contest? or should it support the nominations, rejecting the untenable doctrine interpolated at the Convention, and taking care that their support should be accompanied by such an expression of their opinion as to prevent its being misinterpreted? The latter alternative has been preferred, and we think wisely; for we conceive that a proper expression of their opinion will save their votes

pressed upon the country.

"With these views, assuming that you feel on address you, and invite the coöperation of yourthis subject as we do, we have been desired to self and other friends throughout the State:

[NOTE. The above Address was drawn up by from misconstruction, and that proper efforts will secure the nomination of such Members of ConHon. Seth M. Gates of New York, at the sugges-gress as will reject the unwarrantable scheme now tion of John Quincy Adams, and sent to Members of Congress at their residences, after the close of the session, for their signatures. Many more than the above approved heartily of its positions and objects, and would have signed it, but for its: premature publication, through mistake. Mr. Winthrop of Mass. was one of these, with Gov. Briggs, of course: Mr. Fillmore declined signing it.]

In

The letters of Messrs. Clay and Van Buren, taking ground against annexation, without the consent of Mexico, as an act of bad faith and aggression, which would necessarily result in war, which appeared in the spring of 1844, make slight allusions, if any, to the Slavery aspect of the case. a later letter, Mr. Clay declared that he did not oppose annexation on account of Slavery, which he regarded as a temporary institution, which, therefore, ought not to stand in the way of a permanent acquisition. And, though Mr. Clay's last letter on the subject, prior to the election of 1844, reiterated and emphasized all his objections to annexation under the existing circumstances, he did not include the existence of Slavery.

The defeat of Mr. Van Buren, at the Bal

"1st.-In the publication of a joint letter, declaring your purpose to support the nomination, rejecting the resolutions respecting Texas.

"2nd.-In promoting and supporting at the next elections the nomination for Congress of such persons as concur in these opinions.

"If your views in this matter coincide with ours, please write to some one of us, and a draught of the proposed letter will be forwarded Very respectfully,

for examination.

“GEO. P. BARKER,
WILLIAM C. BRYANT,
J. W. EDMONDS.
DAVID DUDLEY FIELD,
THEODORE SEDGWICK,
THOMAS W. TUCKER,
ISAAC TOWNSEND.”

Silas Wright, then a Senator of the United States, and who, as such, had opposed the Tyler Treaty of Annexation, was now run for Governor, as the only man who could carry the State of New York for Polk and Dallas. In a democratic speech at Skaneateles, N. Y., Mr. Wright had recently declared that he could never consent to Annexation on any terms which would give Slavery an advantage over Freedom. This

"Every day will tend to weaken that combination of political causes which led to the opposi conviction that it was not only expedient, but tion of the measure, and to strengthen the just and necessary.

the

Bentiment was reiterated and amplified in a a great, Convention of the Democracy, which met at Herkimer, in the autumn of this year. The contest proceeded with great earnestness throughout the Free States, the sup"You were right in making the distinction beporters of Polk and of Birney (the Aboli-tween the interests of France and England in tion candidate for President), fully agreeing reference to Texas-or rather, I should say, in the assertion that Mr. Clay's position was apparent interests of the two countries. France equally favorable to Annexation with Mr. interests in desiring to see her preserve her sepacannot possibly have any other than commercial Polk's. Mr. Birney, in a letter published rate independence, while it is certain that England on the eve of the Election, declared that he looks beyond, to political interests, to which she regarded Mr. Clay's election as more favor- apparently attaches much importance. But, in able to Annexation than Mr. Polk's, because, sure is more apparent than real; and that neither our opinion, the interest of both against the meawhile equally inclined to fortify and extend France, England, nor even Mexico herself, has Slavery, he possessed more ability to influ- any in opposition to it, when the subject is fairly ence Congress in its favor. He says: viewed and considered in its whole extent, and in all its bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace, the extension of comwith them, it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown that the policy on the part of those powers which would acquiesce in a measure so strongly desired by both the United States and Texas, for their mutual welfare and safety, as the annexation of the latter to the former, would be far more promotive of these great objects than that which would attempt to resist it.

"I have no reasons for opposing Mr. Clay on personal grounds. On the contrary, the inter-merce, and security, are objects of primary policy course we have had has been of the most friendly character. I oppose his election, because he disbelieves the great political truths of the Declaration of Independence, the foundation of all just government, and because he repudiates the paramount objects of the Union, the perpetuation of liberty to all. On the same ground, I oppose the election of Mr. Polk. But I more deprecate the election of Mr. Clay-because, possessing abilities superior to Mr. Polk's, he would proportionately weaken the influence of those truths on the minds of our countrymen. Respectfully, &c.,

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"JAMES G. BIRNEY.”

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"It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the long, artificial and inconvenient line which divides them, and to take into consideration the extraordinary increase of population and growth of the former, and the source from which the latter must derive its inhabitants, institutions, and laws, without coming to the conclusion that it is Before this time, but as yet withheld from, their destiny to be united, and of course, that and unknown to, the public, Mr. Calhoun, mode. Thus regarded, the question to be decided Annexation is merely a question of time and now President Tyler's Secretary of State, would seem to be, whether it would not be better and an early and powerful advocate of An- to permit it to be done now, with the mutual connexation, had addressed to Hon. Wm. R. sent of both parties, and the acquiescence of King, our Embassador at Paris, the follow-these powers, than to attempt to resist and defeat ing official dispatch :

Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King.

it.

"It would be a great mistake to suppose that this Government has any hostile feelings toward Mexico, or any disposition to aggrandize itself at her expense. The fact is the very reverse.

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"If the former course be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preservation of peace, great extension of commerce by the rapid settlement "DEPARTMEnt of State, and improvement of Texas, and increased secuWashington, August 12, 1844.rity, especially to Mexico. The last, in reference "SIR-I have laid your dispatch, No. 1, before to Mexico, may be doubted; but I hold it not the President, who instructs me to make known less clear than the other two. to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assurance of friendly feelings toward the United States. The President, in particular, highly appreciates the declaration of the King, that, in no event, would any steps be taken by his government in the slightest degree hostile, or which would give to the United States just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact, that our previous information was calculated to make the impression that the government of France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the annexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her Government to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from your dispatch that the information, so far as it relates to France, is, in all probability, without foundation. You did not go further than you ought, in assuring the King that the object of Annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the American people were in its favor, and that it would certainly be annexed at no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period.

It wishes her well, and desires to see her settled down in peace and security; and is prepared, in the event of the Annexation of Texas, if not forced into conflict with her, to propose to settle with her the question of boundary, and all others growing out of the Annexation, on the most liberal terms. Nature herself has clearly marked the boundary between her and Texas by natural limits, too strong to be mistaken. There are few countries whose limits are so distinctly marked; and it would be our desire, if Texas should be united to us, to see them firmly established, as the most certain means of establishing permanent peace between the two countries, and strengthening and cementing their friendship. Such would be the certain consequence of permitting the Annexation to take place now, with the acquiescence of Mexico; but very different would be the case if it should be attempted to resist and defeat it, whether the attempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attempt of the kind would, not improbably, lead to a conflict between us and Mexico, and involve consequences, in reference to her and the general peace, long to be deplored

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on both sides, and difficult to be repaired. But, ments, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That should that not be the case, and the interference one of the objects of abolishing it there is to faof another power defeat the Annexation for the cilitate its abolition in the United States, and present, without the interruption of peace, it throughout the continent, is manifest from the would but postpone the conflict, and render it declaration of the Abolition party and societies more fierce and bloody whenever it might occur. both in this country and in Englaud. In fact, "Its defeat would be attributed to enmity and there is good reason to believe that the scheme ambition on the part of that power by whose in- of abolishing it in Texas, with a view to its aboterference it was occasioned, and excite deep jeal-lition in the United States, and over the conti ousy and resentment on the part of our people, nent, originated with the prominent members of who would be ready to seize the first favorable the party in the United States; and was first opportunity to effect by force what was prevent broached by them in the (so called) World's Coned from being done peaceably by mutual convention, held in London in the year 1840, and sent. It is not difficult to see how greatly such a through its agency brought to the notice of the conflict, come when it might, would endanger British Government. the general peace, and how much Mexico might be the loser by it.

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Now, I hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme, which England hopes to accomplish through Texas, if she can defeat the Annexation, but that her interests, and those of all the Continental powers of Europe are directly and deeply opposed to it.

"In the mean time, the condition of Texas would be rendered uncertain, her settlement and prosperity in consequence retarded, and her commerce crippled; while the general peace would be rendered much more insecure. It could not but greatly affect us. If the Annexation of Texas "It is too late in the day to contend that hushould be permitted to take place peaceably manity or philanthropy is the great object of the now, (as it would, without the interference of policy of England in attempting to abolish Afriother powers,) the energies of our people would, can Slavery on this Continent. I do not question for a long time to come, be directed to the peace- but humanity may have had a considerable able pursuits of redeeming and bringing within influence in abolishing Slavery in her West India the pale of cultivation, improvement, and civil possessions, aided, indeed, by the fallacious calization, that large portion of the continent lying culation that the labor of the Negroes would be between Mexico on one side and the British at least as profitable, if not more so, in consepossessions on the other, which is now, with lit-quence of the measure. She acted on the princiile exception, a wilderness, with a sparse popula-ple that tropical products can be produced tion, consisting, for the most part, of wandering Indian tribes.

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cheaper by free African labor and East India labor, than by slave labor. She knew full well "It is our destiny to occupy that vast region; the value of such products to her commerce, navito intersect it with roads and canals; to fill it with gation, navy, manufacturers, revenue, and powcities, towns, villages, and farms; to extend over er. She was not ignorant that the support and it our religion, customs, constitution, and laws, maintenance of her political preponderance de and to present it as a peaceful and splendid addi-pended on her tropical possessions, and had tion to the domains of commerce and civilization. no intention of diminishing their productiveness, It is our policy to increase by growing and nor any anticipation that such would be the ef spreading out into unoccupied regions, assimilat- fect, when the scheme of abolishing Slavery in ing all we incorporate: in a word, to increase by her colonial possessions was adopted. On the accretion, and not through conquest, by the addí- contrary, she calculated to combine philanthrotion of masses held together by the adhesion of py with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism. Experience has convinced her of the fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in all her objects. The labor of her Negroes has proved far less productive, without affording the consolation of having improved their condition.

force.

"No system can be more unsuited to the latter process, or better adapted to the former, than our admirable federal system. If it should not be resisted in its course, it will probably fulfill its destiny without disturbing our neighbors, or putting in jeopardy the general peace; but if it be opposed by foreign interference, a new direction would be given to our energy, much less favorable to harmony with our neighbors, and to the general peace of the world.

"The change would be undesirable to us, and much less in accordance with what I have assumed to be primary objects of policy on the part of France, England, and Mexico.

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But, to_descend to particulars: it is certain that while England, like France, desires the independence of Texas, with the view to commercial connections, it is not less so that, one of the leading motives of England for desiring it, is the hope that, through her diplomacy and influence, Negro Slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by consequence, in the United States and throughout the whole of this continent. That its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent is an object ardently desired by her, we have decisive proofs in the declaration of the Earl of Aberdeen, delivered to this Department, and of which you will find a copy among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texan treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this Department with Mr. Packenham, also to be found among the docu

"The experiment has turned out to be a costly one. She expended nearly one hundred millions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated Slaves. It is estimated that the increased price paid since, by the people of Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal to half that sum; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the Slave-trade; making together two hundred and fifty millions of dollars as the cost of the experiment. Instead of realizing her hope, the result has been a sad disappointment. Her tropical products have fallen off to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her own wants, and those of nearly all Europe with them, as formerly, she has now, in some of the most important articles, scarcely enough to supply her own. What is worse, her own colonies are actually consuming sugar produced by Slave-labor, brought direct to England, or refined in bond, and exported and sold in her colonies as cheap, or cheaper, than can be produced there; while the Slave-trade, instead of diminishing, has been in fact carried on to a greater extent than ever. So disastrous has been the result, that her fixed capital invested in tropical possessions, estimated at the value of nearly five hundred millions of dollars, is said to stand on the brink of ruin.

"But this is not the worst; while this costly

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