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From Fraser's Magazine. THE INTERNAL RELATIONS OF EUROPE.

sake of his own honour in the eyes of his people; and secondarily against his own HISTORY shows us abundantly how the barons or against the contingency of popinternal relations of separate communities ular insurrection. But the British Govgrow up and are extended. Whether by ernment would have been pleased to see natural attraction or by conquest, petty all armies disappear which were not under principalities coalesce into a kingdom. their own control; and, in spite of these Barons are forced to renounce the privi- private armies, they effectually prevent lege of border-war. The supremacy of a internal wars in India. Thus, in becomsingle king delivers the local population ing the "paramount" power, we have from the misery of finding its nearest neighbours its worst enemies, and at the same time exalts the country in the great world by presenting it with a single front to all the powers without.

natives of India; the wonder is that so great progress has been made towards blending two hundred millions of mankind into a single organic community, cognizable certainly to the foreigner as only one power.

given to India the same two advantages as republican federation gives, though the union in the case of India is extremely imperfect in several important respects. Considering how diverse in mind and temThe American colonies of England, on perament are English from Indians; conattaining their independence, felt how sidering also how many and how separathelpless they would be to support the dig-ed by language, law, and history are the nity of Sovereign States in the face of great European powers, unless they were federated into a Union which should deal with foreigners in their collective name. The Union, which was planned chiefly as a strength against the foreigner, gave them also the priceless benefit of deliverance European communities have long suffrom border-wars. These are the two car- fered from one another the horrible curse dinal advantages which, it is notorious to of war, which is more painfully felt in proevery American citizen, accrued from their portion to our refinement, our humanity, federation; and to attain this, the sep- and the artificial means of livelihood. It arate States resigned to the Federal Gov-now spreads its ruin to neutrals. Since ernment not only the public defence which draws after it care for army, navy, fortresses and harbours, right of conscription and of taxation—but also the sole right of holding relations with the external world by ambassadors and by treaties. Moreover, they ceded the superintendence of the coinage, the Post Office, the Custom Duties, and other matters, to the cen

the great French war, which may be computed from the death of Louis XVI. until the battle of Waterloo, there has been no war which can be called European in the wide sense; for even in the Crimean war - besides the four principals, Russia, Turkey, France, and England - only Sardinia was involved. Equally important is the shortening of wars. The Crimean war tral organ. did but last into a third year; the Italian In India, under the British military pre-war of 1859 was but three or four months dominance, affairs have taken a different in length, and the great German war of course, but with some of the great results 1866 was counted by weeks. The gain in common. By treaties with native princes, often signed under constraint, the British enforced that no Indian potentate should have relations with other powers except through British diplomacy; and in very many cases imposed the duty of keeping up, out of a prince's own revenues, an army for the British use. It was not always possible to forbid to the prince his private army. He maintained it, chiefly against the British Government, for the

from this is vast; for the destruction of
crops, of stores, of houses and of trees,
with the discouragement of cultivation,
from long wars, was a curse much greater
than the loss of life in battles. But while
we must not shut our eyes to the gain
which has really been made
a gain which
has accrued, not from our humanity nor
our wisdom, but from mechanical develop-
ments, still the evil of war in Europe is
alike enormous and disgraceful. Nor has

Hungary with near 200,000 men. When Austria had thus forfeited the heart of Hungary, Russia thought her time was fully come for invading Turkey; so after sounding the British Government and ascertaining that it would not oppose, she took her plunge in the summer of 1853. Lord Aberdeen's ministry dreaded nothing so much as an alliance of Turkey with Hungary, which would have taken place if the Western Powers had been inactive; for Austria was, just then, the mere tool of Russia, and was eager to get for herself Bosnia, or Servia, or Wallachia, as her reward for subservience. By talking friendship to Turkey, and acting to the damage of Turkey, in hope of putting off

Clarendon involved England in duplicity and apparent perfidy to the Turks, and thus "drifted" into war with Russia as the only means of redressing our honour. France had shared the baseness of our policy and the ignominy of the battle of Sinope; and in consequence the great Russian war was fought. Since then, we have seen the wars of 1859 and 1861 in Italy; the terrible and final war of Russia with Poland; the war of Germany with Denmark; the war of Prussia with Austria; and now, alas!-by far the greatest the present war of France against Prussian Germany in order to undo German unity. Who can deny that war is still a terrible curse to Europe?

war ever long ceased, in one country or other. Soon after the battle of Waterloo, Austria, at the call of the king of Naples, marched her armies into Naples and Sicily to overthrow the constitutional liberties of Sicily especially. The Grecian war of independence rose in 1821, and was ended by the battle of Navarino in 1827. In 1823 the Holy Alliance sent French armies to overthrow the free constitution of Spain, which has in consequence suffered conflict and misery almost to the present day. Navarino was instantly followed by the Russian war against Turkey, which ended in the prostration of the Sultan in 1829. Italy was, not indeed in war, but under perpetual warlike pressure, from 1814 to 1859. In 1830, after the French European war, Lords Aberdeen and revolution which brought Louis Philippe to the throne, besides the revolt and little war of Belgium, the uprising of Poland against the tyranny of the Grand Duke Constantine took place, whence the fierce war of little Poland against great Russia, so unhappy to the weaker party. Under the policy of Louis Philippe and the Engglish Whigs, not only was peace between the Five Great Powers sustained as previously, but after the overthrow of Poland by Russia there was a comparative lull of war in all Europe except Spain. But in 1840 Russell and Palmerston, by fighting the Syrian war against the Pasha of Egypt without consulting France, so irritated all French statesmen, that Louis Philippe had the greatest difficulty in preserving the peace with England. Nothing but the rapid and complete success of our arms saved us from the horrible calamity of a war with France. After this we may recount the crushing of the freedom of Cracow by an Austrian army, against the treaty of 1815, and without the slightest offence or pretext given by the city of Cracow; then followed in 1846 the massacres of the nobility in Galicia by the peasants, to whom the Austrian Government paid money for their heads- more if they were brought dead, less if they were brought alive. On this came the conspiracy of Austria to overthrow the constitutional liberties of Hungary; and when she was ignominiously beaten by the Hungarians in 1819, the Russians invaded

Yet there is nothing gained by mere talking against it, without pointing out the causes, and the direction in which a preventive is to be sought. To declaim against war in the commonplace way which confounds both combatants in common guilt, is not merely useless, but is also unjust and mischievous. In private life also (no one denies it) fights between individuals are greatly to be deprecated. There is a respectable class of people who maintain that if a man be assaulted in the street by a ruffian, he ought in no case to defend himself by retaliating violence : nay, there are those who go so far as to say, that if the ruffian attack a man's wife or child, the husband or father ought not to defend them by heavy blows-certainly not by such as may inflict death or perma

nent hurt-but only by trying to hold his [ of England initiated some important hands, and by gentle expostulation. Now clauses, of which one avowed that the while we cannot forbid such moralists to hold their own theory, they have no right to confound the case of the assailant and the defendant. Let them believe, if they must, that a nation which is invaded ought in no case to resist; to argue against that doctrine is not here needful. But if it be ever so true that it would be higher virtue in an invaded nation to act on Quaker principle, it remains clearly unjustifiable to equalize in our censure the aggressor and the repeller; or indeed to use censure at all against those whose cause is just, who yet have the calamity of suffering under aggression. Where the injustice of one side is clear, the Quaker mode of talking against war is manifestly wrong; indeed, the most thoughtful men among them avoid it. Nothing gives plausibility to it but the complications of war itself; the frequency of error, injustice or folly on both sides, the sufferings of neutrals, and of populations which had no voice in the war; to say nothing of suffering to the whole female sex, to children, and to thousands of horses, who die in long agony or starvation. An invaded nation has to submit to all this contingent misery. If in necessary self-defence it carry the war over to the enemy's soil, it then unwillingly inflicts the misery; but the guilt rests on the aggressor.

The causes of war are as plain as the causes of quarrel in private life. Cupidity, pride, injustice, fear, in turn excite men to aggression. It is a familiar thought, that men will fight out their private quarrels — or as it is expressed, will take the law into their own hands - unless the law-court is open to them, and a police be at hand for their defence against sudden attack. In so far as pride without cupidity may stimulate to war, it might seem that a mere resort to arbitration would suffice to keep the peace. The late Mr. Cobden, who must always be mentioned with respect, was entirely convinced that European wars could be stopped by a general agreement to abide by arbitration. His urgency won so much upon our statesman, that, on the close of the Russian war by the peace of Paris in 1856, Lord Clarendon in the name

powers who signed the treaty would never
thenceforward undertake war without first
attempting to stay and supersede it by ar-
bitration. England, France, Russia, Sar-
dinia, Turkey, all signed this treaty; yet
in a very few years the solemn promise
proved itself to be mere wind. In 1859
two of these powers, France and Sardinia,
entered upon war with Austria without
first asking arbitration: and a moment's
consideration will explain why. The arbi-
trators could only have taken the treaties
of 1815 as the law to guide their decision.
These treaties were forcibly imposed on
France and Italy, and to Italy were fla-
grantly unjust, utterly pernicious. The
war was only the beginning of Italian up-
rising against petty native tyrants, upheld
by Austrian arms. If any royal arbiters
could have been found to pronounce a de-
cree against the Austrian occupation of
| Venice and Lombardy, and the Austrian
support of Italian tyrannies, they could not
expect Austria to withdraw from Italy at
their command. The command itself, being
a protest against the treaty of 1815, would
have been fairly accepted by Austria as a
virtual declaration of war. To expel her
without actual war would have needed at
least the threat of war from an overwhelm-
ing combination, and the assurance that
no ally to Austria could be found. In his
fond expectations from arbitration Mr.
Cobden seems to have forgotten that arbi-
trators would be unable to take great
moral principles as the guide of their
verdict, and would have to shape it in
accordance with European treaties, which
were made in defiance of the rights of
peoples, for the
powerful princes.

mere convenience of

Still, it was not unreasonable to think that, inasmuch as mere punctilious pride is sometimes the small weight, which, when thrown into the scale, turns it to the side of war, arbitration might suffice to keep the peace where the point of honour is concerned. Perhaps this has happened when the question how a treaty is to be interpreted is the only point of quarrel. War between England and the United States concerning the boundary of Maine,