motion which Brougham, was to make in favour of Parliamentary Reform and I and the Grants and Littleton had quite determined to vote for

it.

As soon as Lord Grey was commissioned by the King to form an administration he sent for me."

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not any system of policy relative to foreign states. His notion was that every question should be treated on its own ances it might dissolve, or the future danmerits, without regard to the actual alligers it might provoke. England,' he consequences;' a theory which has its insaid to me once, is strong enough to brave conveniences as well as its advantages."

Lord Palmerston had taken a prominent part in opposing the Duke's foreign policy in 1830, and two speeches of his on the When Lord Palmerston first entered the affairs of Portugal had attracted much at- Foreign Office (November, 1830) the whole tention by their liberality and comprehen- aspect of continental affairs had been siveness of view. He was already marked changed by the Revolution of July. The out by public opinion for the seals of the French monarchy under the citizen king Foreign Office when they were confided to was regarded as a republic in disguise. him. And here begins the most distinct- Genuine monarchy was at a discount. The ive portion of his career, that in which he late Duke of Devonshire, more than half took his own way, and that, consequently, in earnest, offered a wager that not a by which he must principally be judged. crowned head would be left in Europe Foreign affairs are so little understood in within seven years. As Sir Henry BulEngland, and commonly excite so little in- wer describes the state of things, "On terest, that there is hardly any limit to the all sides crowns were falling into the gutinfluence which a courageous self-willed ter." The construction of a new kingdom Foreign Secretary may exert for evil or for out of the ruins of another was the first good. It is only when the country is fairly duty which devolved upon Lord Palmercommitted, or a crisis is at hand, or a war ston; and in performing it he fearlessly is actually raging, that the House of Com- carried out his theory that England is mons begins to ask for papers, or the re- strong enough to brave consequences. sponsible minister is required to enter into The real and substantial grievances which explanations with his colleagues. Such, at led the Belgians to demand a separation all events, was the position of Lord Pal- from Holland are lucidly exposed by Sir merston, until the Queen, at the sugges- Henry Bulwer, and he has printed at tion of Prince Albert, signed a formal length the principal letters and despatches memorandum to the effect that her pleas of Lord Palmerston detailing the steps by ure should be taken on all proceedings and which their independent existence under despatches of the Foreign Office. The Leopold was recognized and guaranteed. continental notion is that Lord Palmer-"The first stone of the structure built up ston acted throughout on a fixed system or set of principles, favourable to representative governments and unfavourable to kings, which he rigidly applied as circumstances and events called for or seemed to call for them and that this system was in marked opposition to Lord Aberdeen's. This, we agree with the able author of "Thirty Years of Foreign Policy," is altogether a mistake.* Lord Palmerston had no fixed system, and we should be at a loss to name any broad principle on which he differed from Lord Aberdeen. At the end of an ingenious attempt to reconcile Lord Palmerston's Philhellenism in 1830 with his subsequent support of Turkey, Sir H. Bulwer remarks:- "I may, indeed,

by the allies of 1815 was then displaced. From that time it has been year by year falling to pieces. Thus the event which commenced the work of demolition, whatever its merits, was so serious in its consequences, that it is worth while to inquire whether wisdom or necessity justified it."

this inquiry, and we shall simply quote a Our limits prevent us from engaging in few passages from the correspondence, to show the difficulties which Lord Palmerston encountered and overcome. It will incidentally appear from them that the grasping spirit of French diplomacy, as applied to Belgium and other frontier territories, is no invention of revived Imperialism."

observe here that Lord Palmerston · On Talleyrand's objecting to a proposal though generally desirous to keep Eng- to unite Luxembourg to Belgium, that the land on the side of liberal opinions-had French frontier in that direction was weak,―

"Thirty Years of Foreign Policy of the Secretaryships of the Earl of Aberdeen and A History Viscount Palmerston." By the author (Mr. Macknight) of "The Right Hon. B. Disraeli, M.P.; a Literary and Political Biography." London, 1855.

"I replied, that a nation of thrty-two milneed not be particular about frontiers, and that lions, of whom every man is born a soldier,

the defence of their frontier must consist in men, and not in bricks. He then said, Would there be no means of making an arrangement by which Luxembourg might be given to France ?" Finding this inadmissible, he said that France would be satisfied with the cession of Philippeville and Marienburg :

'reference to that country. They every day betray an unceasing disposition to pick a quarrel, and to treat us in a manner to which we can never submit. Pray take care, in all your conversation with Sebastiani, to make him understand that our desire for peace will never lead us to submit to affront either in language

or in act."

Very strong language was required to compel the French to abide by the convention under which their troops entered Belgium.

"To this we of course positively objected. First, we had no power to give what belongs to Belgium and not to us, and we could not, under the pretence of settling the quarrel between Holland and Belgium, proceed to plunder one of the parties, and that too for the benefit of one "Aug, 13, 1831. of the mediators. Besides, if France began, the "Will the French Government withdraw rest might have a right to follow the example. their troops into France as soon as the Dutch At last we brought him to terms by the same have evacuated Belgium? Pray make them means by which juries become unanimous by comprehend all that hangs upon that decision. starving. Between nine and ten at night he "Grey writes to you. He is peremptory on agreed to what we proposed, being, I have no this point; and even if the Cabinet had the doubt, secretely delighted to have got the neu- slightest wish to give way upon it- which trality of Belgium established. If Talleyrand they have not-public opinion in England complains that our confidence in him seems would prevent them. It is, then, a question of abated, you may say that this was the natural war or peace. consequence of our finding that he was aiming at obtaining for France territorial acquisitions, at the same time that France was crying out for non-intervention and peace."

On February 1st, 1831, Lord Palmerston again writes to Lord Grenville, English Ambassador at Paris:

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Talleyrand sounded me as to my agreeing to naming the Duc de Nemours King of the Belgians. I told him we should look upon it as union with France, and nothing else, and it was for France to consider all the consequences which such a departure from all her engage ments must necessarily expose her to; that I do not believe the bulk of the French nation wish for Belgium at the price of a general war, and that I do not believe the bulk of the Belgians wish union with France or a French prince. The other three Powers are quite unanimous on the subject, and I must say that if the choice falls on Nemours, and the King of the French accepts, it will be a proof that the policy of France is like an infection clinging to the walls of the dwelling, and breaking out in every successive occupant who comes within their influence."

On the 15th of the same month, after stating that he had caused a Cabinet to be summoned, to take into consideration a formal communication to the French Government, he writes:

"I confess that I like the aspect of their proceedings less and less every day. Their assurances of friendship and peace are indeed incessant and uniform, but they continue actively preparing for war when nobody threatens them, and while every day disclose more and more their designs upon Belgium, and the underhand proceedings which they are carrying on with

་་

"We have had no Cabinet to-day upon your letter and your despatches, because we want to learn the result of my letter and Grey's of Saturday last. Sebastiani and Soult apparently want to pick a quarrel with all their neighbours, or to compel everybody to submit to their insolence and aggressions-witness the language about Spain.'

These passages should be carefully weighed at the present moment, when Eusitions and future good behavior of the rope is asked to rely on the peaceful dispoFrench. They are receiving a rude lesson, and may be inclined to turn over a new leaf; but it is absurd to make Napoleon III. their scapegoat. Under every form of government under the Restoration, the monarchy of July, the Republic, the Second Empire-they have been the same, and might have assumed the same motto:"Jura negat sibi nata, nihil non arrogat armis."

Effectively aided by the energy, sagacity, and diplomatic tact of M. Van de Weyer, Lord Palmerston brought the entire work in hand to a satisfactory conclusion. The kingdom of Belgium stands, and we trust will long remain, a firm and conspicuous monument of his statesmanship. Whilst the negotiations were in progress he was bitterly attacked by his former friend, Mr. Croker, for keeping back papers which (Mr. Croker contended) it was his duty to communicate to the Conference and the House. An interchange of personalities ensued, in the course of which the secret history of the "New Whig Guide" was un

meant to insinuate that those who wrote for newspapers pursued a degrading occupation (Lord Palmerston nodded dissent,- his noble friend signified that he did not share that opinion; and he should not therefore say what he was about to utter. He might be allowed, howif any person should hereafter collect those fuever, to observe, in reference to this topic, that

folded. According to Mr. Croker, the authors were Lord Palmerston, Sir Robert Peel, and himself. "We three were the only culprits. I was editor. The Trial (of Henry Brougham)' was Peel's. We each gave touches to the others' contributions, but so slight as not to impair the authorship of any individual article. I do not think Peel wrote any of the verses; Pal-gitive pieces which had been attributed to him

merston wrote very little of the prose. Peel's natural turn was humour, but he was extremely shy of indulging it."

(Mr. Croker)-with what justice the House would be presently able to judge he repeated, that if such a collection should be made, and that the merits of those pieces should continne to be attributed to him, he should feel it his duty to do justice to his noble friend by declaring that some of the best and most remarkable were his (Lord Palmerston's) own. He remembered well the days which he spent with his noble friend, not certainly in business of the grave importance which now occupied his noble friend's time; he recalled with pleasure those earlier days, in which they pursued and enjoyed, not indeed the search of deep philosophy,' that the poet delighted to remember, but —

When Lord Palmerston was asked, in 1859, with reference to a meditated commentary on the "New Whig Guide," what share he had in it, he replied: "I certainly did join in quizzing the Whigs at that time, but we have been very good friends since, and I would rather have nothing said about my share in it." Disagreeable as the allusion to it must have been in 1831 for the same reason, the provocation given by him was almost irresistible. After suggesting that there was no especial reason for Mr. Croker's taking the lead on such a subject, Arts which I loved, for they, my friend, were

he said:

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thine.'

• Wit, eloquence, and poesy

Sir Henry Bulwer calls this encounter a graceful and historical one;" apparently unconscious that it was fought with borrowed weapons.

"But it seems that, in the absence of the principal performers, he has been to-night allowed a whole benefit to himself. He has given Lord Palmerston's atus a display, part tragedy, part comedy, and part tragi-comedy; and I wish I could encourage tack is a palpable imitation of Pitt's sarhim by stating that he sustained each portion castic reference to Sheridan's dramatic with equal success. Everybody knows that he authorship, and the concluding sentences is an exceedingly happy joker-happy some-(the happiest) of Mr. Croker's retort are a times in his self-satisfaction; and while he con- paraphrase of Curran's touching allusion to fines himself to the light and comic strain he Lord Avonmore. * makes himself agreeable to everybody; but he Sir Henry Bulwer made Lord Palmermust not attempt too much versatility. He may ston's acquaintance in 1831, and thus debe a good statesman-of-all-work, but I assure scribes the impression, personal and intel

him that he is not a good actor-of-all-work; and in his attempts at the heroic he is apt to confound pathos with bathos, and to overleap the narrow bounds between the sublime and the ridiculous. I recommend him, therefore, in future, if he wishes to preserve his reputation, to observe the rules laid down in some of his earlier and fugitive productions in the dramatic art- to cease to vex the grander passions of the soul

'To leave high tragedy, and stick to farce!' He will thus yet afford much amusement; if it be not very natural, it will at least be very entertaining.'

After expressing his surprise at an assertion of Lord Palmerston's that he did not write for newspapers, and the manner in which it was cheered by his friends, Mr. Croker proceeded:

lectual:

"I then for the first time made Lord Palmerston's acquaintance at a party at Lady Cowper's, and still remember his appearance as that of a man in the full vigour of middle age, very well-dressed, very good-looking, with the large thick whiskers worn at that time. His air was more that of a man of the drawingroom than of the senate; but he had a clear, short, decisive way of speaking on business, which struck me at once. All the questions he put to me went straight to the point; and one could see that he was gathering in information for the purpose of fortifying opinions."

"Yes, my Lord, we can remember those nights without any other regret than that they can never more return, for

We spent them not in toys, or lust, or wine,
But search of deep philosophy,
Wit, eloquence, and poesy

thine."

"Now, what he was about to say, he would Arts, which I loved, for they, my friend, were assure his noble friend he would say in perfect-Phillips's Specimens of Irish Eloquence, p. 133; good humour. He would say that if that cheer and see Earl Stanhope's Life of Pitt, p. 97.

"Two clever men brought together in public affairs either like one another very much or not at all; and M. de Torreno and Mr. George Villiers liked one another not at all. In the land of the serenade and the guitar it is always pretended that love and politics go hand-in-hand, and the old question of qui est elle was raised on this occasion-I am far from saying with reason, for there were public motives sufficiently evident for inducing Mr. Villiers to see "I thus saw that I should not only obtain no things with different eyes than those of M. Tor-aid, but that probably I should have to count

"The Grand Vizier Klosreu was a shrewd, bold, illiterate barbarian, who was rather proud of being shorter and stouter than any other man in office; he had, however, great influence over the Sultan, and great authority over the Mus sulman population, who respected him from the The general spirit of our proposals was laid knowledge that he was ready to have every man before Mahmoud; in the destruction of monopin the empire drowned, shot, poisoned, or de-olies the astute and determined old man saw the capitated, if it was necessary to carry out the views of himself or his master.

LITTELL'S LIVING AGE contains a poem entitled "Autumn Woods," which is credited to the English periodical entitled Public Opinion. An American author, W. C. Bryant, has behaved toworbs this periodical with great injustice. Some forty years before Public Opinion | first publication.