Изображения страниц
PDF
EPUB

APPENDIX

"BLESSED are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God."-Jesus, Matt. v. 9.

"Think not that I am come to send peace on earth: I came not to send peace, but a sword. For I am come to set a man at variance against his father, and the daughter against her mother, and the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law. And a man's foes shall be they of his own household."-Jesus, Matt. x. 34-36.

"Be not among winebibbers; among riotous eaters of flesh : for the drunkard and the glutton shall come to poverty: and drowsiness shall clothe a man with rags."-Solomon, Prov. xxiii. 20, 21.

"The Son of man came eating and drinking, and they say, Behold a man gluttonous, and a winebibber, a friend of publicans and sinners. But wisdom is justified of her children.”— Jesus, Matt. xi. 19.

"Who hath woe? who hath sorrow? who hath contentions? who hath babbling? who hath wounds without cause? who hath redness of eyes? They that tarry long at the wine; they that go to seek mixed wine. Look not thou upon the wine when it is red, when it giveth his color in the cup, when it moveth itself aright. At the last it biteth like a serpent, and stingeth like an adder."-Solomon, Prov. xxiii. 29–32.

"And the third day there was a marriage in Cana of Galilee; and the mother of Jesus was there: and both Jesus was called, and his disciples, to the marriage. And when they wanted wine, the mother of Jesus saith unto him, They have no wine. Jesus

saith unto her, Woman, what have I to do with thee? mine hour is not yet come. His mother saith unto the servants, Whatsoever he saith unto you, do it. And there were set there six waterpots of stone, after the manner of the purifying of the Jews, containing two or three firkins apiece. Jesus saith unto them, Fill the water-pots with water. And they filled them up to the brim. And he saith unto them, Draw out now, and bear unto the governor of the feast. And they bare it. When the ruler of the feast had tasted the water that was made wine, and knew not whence it was, (but the servants which drew the water knew,) the governor of the feast called the bridegroom, and saith unto him, Every man at the beginning doth set forth good wine; and when men have well drunk, then that which is worse: but thou hast kept the good wine until now. This beginning of miracles did Jesus in Cana of Galilee, and manifested forth his glory; and his disciples believed on him."-John ii. 1-11.

"Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging: and whosoever is deceived thereby is not wise."-Solomon, Prov. xx. 1.

"Drink no longer water, but use a little wine for thy stomach's sake and thine often infirmities."-St. Paul, 1 Tim. v. 23.

"Woe unto him that giveth his neighbor drink, that puttest thy bottle to him, and makest him drunken also, that thou mayest look on their nakedness!"-Hab. ii. 15.

"He watereth the hills from his chambers: the earth is satisfied with the fruit of thy works. He causeth the grass to grow for the cattle, and herb for the service of man: that he may bring forth food out of the earth; and wine that maketh glad the heart of man, and oil to make his face to shine, and bread which strengtheneth man's heart."-David, Ps. civ. 13-15.

"Now if it be true that a vast proportion of the crimes which government is instituted to prevent and repress have their origin in the use of ardent spirits; if our poorhouses, workhouses, jails, and penitentiaries are tenanted in a great degree by those whose first and chief impulse to crime came from the distillery and the dram-shop; if murder and theft, the most fearful outrages on property and life, are most frequently the issues and consumma

tion of intemperance,—is not government bound to restrain by legislation the vending of the stimulus to these terrible social wrongs? Is government never to act as a parent, never to remove the causes or occasions of wrong-doing? Has it but one instrument for repressing crime, namely, public, infamous punishment, an evil only inferior to crime? Is government a usurper? Does it wander beyond its sphere by imposing restraints on an article which does no imaginable good; which can plead no benefit conferred on body or mind; which unfits the citizen for the discharge of his duty to his country; and which, above all, stirs up men to the perpetration of most of the crimes from which it is the highest and most solemn office of government to protect society?"-Channing, Works, vol. ii., p. 377.

"The object of this essay is to assert one very simple principle, as entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the individual in the way of compulsion and control, whether the means used be physical force in the form of legal penalties, or the moral coercion of public opinion. That principle is that the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self-protection; that the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over a member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to do so, because it will make him happier, because, in the opinions of others, to do so would be wise or even right. .. Without dwelling upon supposititious cases, there are in our own day gross usurpations upon the liberty of private life actually practised, and still greater ones threatened, with some expectation of success, and opinions proposed which assert an unlimited right in the public not only to prohibit by law everything which it thinks wrong, but, in order to get at what it thinks wrong, to prohibit any number of things which it admits to be innocent. Under the name of preventing intemperance, the people of one English colony and of nearly half the United States have been interdicted by law from mak

[ocr errors]

ing any use whatever of fermented drinks, except for medical purposes; for prohibition of their sale is in fact, as it is intended to be, prohibition of their use. And though the impracticability of executing the law has caused its repeal in several of the States which had adopted it, . . . an attempt has been commenced, and is prosecuted with considerable zeal by many of the professed philanthropists, to agitate for a similar law in this country. The association, or 'Alliance,' as it terms itself, which has been formed for this purpose, has acquired some notoriety through the publicity given to a correspondence between its secretary and one of the very few English public men who hold that a politician's opinions ought to be founded on principles. . . . The [secretary] of the Alliance, . . . however, says: 'I claim as a citizen a right to legislate whenever my social rights are invaded by the social act of another.' And now for the definition of these 'social rights.' 'If anything invades my social rights, certainly the traffic in strong drink does. It destroys my primary right of security by constantly creating and stimulating social disorder. It invades my right of equality by deriving a profit from the creation of a misery I am taxed to support. It impedes my right to free moral and intellectual development by surrounding my path with dangers, and by weakening and demoralizing society, from which I have a right to claim mutual aid and intercourse.' A theory of 'social rights' the like of which probably never before found its way into distinct language, being nothing short of this: that it is the absolute social right of every individual that every other individual shall act in every respect exactly as he ought; that whosoever fails thereof in the smallest particular violates my social right and entitles me to demand from the legislature the removal of the grievance. So monstrous a principle is far more dangerous than any single interference with liberty; there is no violation of liberty which it would not justify; it acknowledges no right to any freedom whatever, except perhaps to that of holding opinions in secret without ever disclosing them; for the moment an opinion which I consider noxious passes any one's lips it invades all the 'social rights' attributed to me by the Alliance. The doctrine ascribes to all mankind a vested inter

est in each other's moral, intellectual, and even physical perfection, to be defined by each claimant according to his own standard."-John Stuart Mill, "Essay on Liberty."

"Virtue must come from within; to this problem religion and morality must direct themselves. But vice may come from without; to hinder this is the care of the statesman."-Professor F. W. Newman.

"It is mere mockery to ask us to put down drunkenness by moral and religious means."-Cardinal Manning.

"The principle of prohibition seems to me to be the only safe and certain remedy for the evils of intemperance. This opinion has been strengthened and confirmed by the hard labor of more than twenty years in the temperance cause."-Father Mathew. "Liberty is a means and not an end."-Dr. Arnold.

"Wholesome laws preserve us free

By stinting of our liberty."

"No man oppresses thee; . . . but does not this stupid pewter pot oppress thee?"-Thomas Carlyle.

"Between the one extreme of entire non-interference, and the other extreme in which every citizen is to be transformed into a grown-up baby with bib and pap-spoon, there lie innumerable stopping-places; and he who would have the state do more than protect is required to say where he means to draw the line, and to give us substantial reasons why it must be just there and nowhere else."-Herbert Spencer, "Social Statics,” p. 316.

"The [Maine] law of itself, under a vigorous enforcement of its provisions, has created a temperance sentiment which is marvelous and to which opposition is powerless. In my opinion, our remarkable temperance reform of to-day is the legitimate child of the law."-Senator William P. Frye.

"I have the honor unhesitatingly to concur."-Senator Lot M. Morrill.

"I concur in the foregoing statements; and on the point of the

« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »