lady Anne that no divine law prohibited |tion of marriage in the proper case alike his marriage. He was too impatient to accessible to all, is one of the objects to wait for the issue of their researches, and which, in great cities and in highly civilmarried Elizabeth Brooke, daughter to lord ized countries, it is hardest to point out a Cobham. The Protestant canonists, to whose | safe road. judgment the case of Northampton was re- The duke of Northumberland ruled the ferred, made answer to the queries put to kingdom with absolute authority, by means them, “that the band of wedlock being of the privy-council, with the title of Adbroken by the mere fact of infidelity, the miral and Earl Marshal; but the health of second marriage was lawful." The parlia- Edward began to occasion serious apprement of 1551 confirmed this answer, by hensions. His constitution, originally weak declaring the marriage of Northampton and puny, was so much injured by measles with Elizabeth Brooke to be valid; but, as and small-pox, that he was visited by a this statute was repealed by a law passed disorder in the lungs, which, in spite of the in the following reign,* nothing is left of numerous improvements in the art of medthese proceedings but the advised and last- icine, continues to baffle the skill of the ing belief of Cranmer and his associates in physician. Jerome Cardan, an Italian physireformation that a more extensive liberty cian of great ability and knowledge, whose of divorce ought to be allowed. name is justly celebrated in the history of

The law of England is now, in its letter mathematical science, when on his return and theory, conformable to the ancient prin- from Scotland, whither he had gone to cure ciple of the Roman Catholic church, which the archbishop of St. Andrew's in 1552, regarded marriage as indissoluble. It was was consulted in the case of Edward. This not till a century and a half afterwards that physician was addicted to all the follies and a practice gradually crept in of dissolving frauds of magic and astrology. He believmarriage for infidelity, by acts of parlia- ed in intercourse with the devil, yet he ment specially passed for each separate was charged by his enemies with atheism. case-a rude and most inconvenient ex- He has left an account of his own life, in pedient, which subjects proceedings which which he confessed himself to be guilty of ought to be judicial to the temper of nu- many of the vices which men are generally merous and open assemblies, while, by its most solicitous to conceal. His passion for expense, it excludes the vast majority of paradox led him to compose a serious and men from the relief which, by long usage, earnest panegyric on Nero. He was unit may be considered as permanently hold- able to deliver Edward from his malady, ing out to suitors who are not themselves but he ventured from that prince's horouncommonly faulty. The reader needs not scope to foretell that he was to have a long to be reminded that whatever requires an reign; and when the event would have siact of legislature to legalize must in its lenced most men, he, with ready assurance, nature be illegal. threw the blame on those who supplied It must be admitted, that the intrinsic him with the particulars of the king's difficulties of the subject are exceedingly birth. We are indebted to him for a chargreat. The dangerous extremes are, ab- acter of his royal patient, which, notwithsolute and universal indissolubility, which standing the perverseness and obliquity of has been found to be productive of a gene- the writer, derives some value from his ral connivance at infidelity, and, conse- abilities, especially as it was written when quently, of a general dissolution of manners Edward had no longer the power to reward on the one hand, and on the other, of a con- a panegyrist. "He knew Latin and French siderable facility of divorce in cases very well, was not ignorant of Greek, Italian, difficult to be defined-a practice, to say and Spanish, and was not without a comnothing of other evil consequences, which petent knowledge of logic, of physic, and would be at variance with the institution of music. A boy of such genius and exof marriage, intended chiefly to protect pectation was a prodigy in human affairs. children from the inconstancy of parents, I do not speak with rhetorical exaggeraand next to guard women against the in- tion, but rather speak under the truth." In constancy of husbands, who, if divorce the conversation of Cardan with the king, were procurable for any but clearly defined in Latin, which he spoke readily and eleand most satisfactorily proved facts, would gantly, Edward put some astronomical be enabled, as soon as they were tired of questions, which Cardan evaded instead of their wives, to make the situation of the confessing his ignorance; a circumstance helpless female so uneasy that they must consent to divorce. To make the dissolu

* Private act, 5 & 6 Edw. 6. not printed in the authentic or common collections of statutes.

† Edw. 6. Diary, 2d April. The diary ends in November.

1 Cardan, de Genituris, quoted in Burnet's Collee tions.

which so acute a man was hardly likely to] Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, had two have invented to his own disparagement. daughters,-lady Frances, who wedded On the 1st of March, 1553, Northumber- Henry Grey, marquis of Dorset, created land assembled a parliament, after prepa- duke of Suffolk; and lady Elinor, who esrations which indicate the importance to poused Henry Clifford, earl of Cumberland. which the house of commons had arisen, Henry afterwards settled the crown by his from the share which they had taken in will on the heirs of these two ladies sucthe revolutions of church and state, in an cessively, passing over his nieces themage of conflicting titles and disputed suc-selves in silence. Northumberland obtaincessions. A circular letter was sent to the ed the hand of lady Jane Grey, the eldest sheriffs, commanding them "to give notice daughter of Grey duke of Suffolk, by lady to the freeholders, citizens, and burgesses, Frances Brandon, for lord Guilford Dudley, within their county, to nominate men of the admiral's son. The marriage was soknowledge and experience," and "declar- lemnized in May, 1553, and the fatal right ing it to be the king's pleasure, that when- of succession claimed by the house of Suf ever the privy-council shall recommend fold devolved on the excellent and unfortumen of learning and wisdom, their direc- nate lady Jane.

tions be followed."* Fifteen knights were It was easy to practise on the religious accordingly recommended, by name, to the sensibility of young Edward, whose heart sheriffs of Huntingdon, Suffolk, Bedford, was now softened by the progress of infirmSurrey, Cambridge, Bucks, Oxford, and ity and the approach of death. It was Northampton. "These," says Strype, "were scarcely necessary for Northumberland to such as belonged to the court, and were in remind him, gently and seasonably, that it places of trust about the king." Such re- was his duty not to confine his exertions commendations from the crown were con- for the interests of religion to the short and tinued occasionally for more than a century uncertain period of his own life; that he longer; but it must be owned that the ex- was bound to provide for the security of the ercise of influence at this time was neither Protestant cause after he himself should be immoderate nor clandestine. no more; and that without the most ener

In April, after the prorogation of parlia-getic measures for that purpose he must ment, Edward had been carried to Green-leave the reformers of the church and the wich for his health. He returned in a some- faithful servants of the crown exposed to what amended state, and a gleam of hope the revenge of those whom they had inseems to have cheered the public; but censed by their loyalty and their religion. Northumberland did not relax his measures The zeal and rigor of Mary were well for aggrandizing his own family, and for known, and their tremendous consequences securing a Protestant successor. If Henry could be prevented only by her exclusion. VII. be considered as the stock of a new The princess Elizabeth, who had only a dynasty, it is clear that on mere principles secondary claim, dependent on the death of hereditary right, the crown would de- of her elder sister, had been declared illescend, first, to the issue of Henry VIII.; gitimate by parliament, and the will under secondly, to those of Margaret Tudor, queen which she must claim would be in effect of Scots; thirdly, to those of Mary Tudor, deprived of all authority by the necessary queen of France. The title of Edward was exclusion of Mary. Mary queen of Scots, on all principles equally undisputed; but the grand-daughter of Margaret Tudor, Mary and Elizabeth might be considered as was educated a Catholic, and had espoused excluded by the sentence of nullity, which the dauphin. She was necessarily the irhad been pronounced in the case of Catha- reconcilable enemy of the pure and reformrine and in that of Anne Boleyn, both ed church, which Edward had been the which sentences had been confirmed in providential instrument of establishing in parliament. They had been expressly pro- England. If the will of Henry VIII. was nounced to be illegitimate children. Their valid, why should not Edward, in whose hereditary right of succession seemed thus hands the royal prerogatives were as full to be taken away, and their pretensions and entire as in those of his father, superrested solely on the conditional settlement sede by a new will the arrangements of the of the crown on them, made by their fa- former, and settle the crown in such a manther's will, in pursuance of authority grant- ner that it might continue to be the buled to him by act of parliament. After Eliza-wark of the Protestant faith? Only to the beth, Henry had placed the descendants of house of Suffolk it was possible to look for Mary, queen of France, passing by the pro- the maintenance of the reformation. Northgeny of his eldest sister Margaret. Mary umberland could not fail to remind the of France, by her second marriage with young king of the excellent qualities of his playmate and the companion of his studies, lady Jane Grey.

*Strype, Ecclesiastic. Mem. A. D. 1552.

The religion of Elizabeth, a princess of and an angry countenance," reproved them the age of twenty, might not always prove for their contumacy. Montague representunshaken amidst the importunities, flatter-ed that the instrument, if made, would be ies, promises, and perhaps insinuations of without effect, because the succession could danger which might be directed against not be altered without the authority of her. She would be left an unconnected parliament which had established it. To and defenceless female, without those trust- which the king answered, "We mind to worthy advisers who are engaged by per- have a parliament shortly: we will do it, sonal attachment as well as public duty to and afterwards ratify it by parliament.”* support the throne. On the other hand, The judges yielded after this promise. was the powerful house of Suffolk, with its| Fifteen lords of the council, with nine experienced statesmen and veteran com- judges, and other civil officers, subscribed manders, already in possession of the whole a paper, promising to maintain the limitaauthority and force of the realm, in their tion of the succession as contained in his hands the securities of the Protestant reli- majesty's notes, which were delivered to gion would be entire, perfect, ready for in- the judges to clothe them with legal formstantaneous action. In those of all other ality. Cranmer is at the head of the first, claimants there was wanting either the will though, as he afterwards protested, unwillor the strength to protect the reformed faith. ingly, and without being allowed to comNorthumberland might safely repeat his ap- municate with the king in private. Sir peal to Edward's reliance on lady Jane W. Cecil also denied that he signed it in Grey's steady adherence to her religion, any other character than as a witness. But arising from an intimate knowledge of her the denial seems to have been postponed sincere piety, her undisturbed reason, and till it was no longer safe to withhold it.† her firm though gentle disposition. The most inexplicable circumstance in

By these and the like reasons of policy, this transaction is, that, after so much care or topics of persuasion, was Edward induced to influence the elections, a parliament to make a new testamentary disposal of the should not have been called to perform the task of excluding a popish successor. At

crown.

On the 11th of June, 1553, Montague, a time when all communions professed and chief justice of the common pleas, and two practised intolerance, the exclusion of a judges of that court, were commanded to successor of a hostile persuasion, believed attend his majesty at Greenwich, and were to be of a persecuting temper, and likely there ordered by him to reduce his notes of to be under the influence of the Austrian an intended new settlement of the crown princes, who already gave frightful samples to the form of letters patent. He said "that of their disposition towards heretics, had he had considered the inconveniences of such an exclusion been accomplished by the measure, but thought them outweighed the king in parliament, could only have by the consideration that if he should de- been regarded as an act of indispensable cease without an heir of his body, the realm self-defence. During the session of parliaand succession must go to the lady Mary, ment, which closed on the 30th of March, who might marry a stranger born, whereby the danger of the king was not thought so the laws might be changed, and the pro- urgent as to require immediate precautions. ceedings in religion totally altered. Where- In May‡ there was an apparent amendment fore he directed them to draw up a settle- in his health. A sudden disappearance of ment of the crown upon the lady Jane, the favorable symptoms compelled Northumheiress of the house of Suffolk." The berland to recur to measures of an illegal judges desired time to consider this alarm- and violent description, which he might ing proposal. On the 12th, they were still hope that Edward would live long brought before the privy-council, from enough to legalize in parliament. Writs which Northumberland was absent. They for a convocation of that assembly in Seprepresented the danger of incurring the tember were issued about the time of the pains of treason, to which they, and indeed conferences with the judges.{

* Sir Edward Montague's narrative, in Fuller's Church History, book viii. in the beginning.

all the lords, would be liable by an attempt Henry II. took early measures to sound to set aside, in this manner, a settlement the court of England, the dispositions of made under the authority of parliament. Northumberland rushed into the council trembling with anger, and in a tone of fury, among other tokens of rage, called Montague a traitor, offering to fight in his shirt any man in this cause. On the 14th they were once more summoned to attend the council, where the king, "with sharp words

†The documents are printed in the Appendix to Strype's Cranmer, No. 164.; and in Burnet's Collection of Records to book iv. No. 10.

Northumberland to Cecil, 6th May, 1553; and princess Mary to the king, 16th May, published by Strype.

Strype's Mem. of Edw. 6. book ii. ch. xxii.

which were of great importance to him in might have secured Mary and Elizabeth, his differences with Charles V. Noailles by obtaining a few days sooner the king's his ambassador, who arrived in London commands, that they should come to attend early in May, represented the rumors of the sick-bed of a brother. On his procrasrecovery, as spread by Northumberland to tination, the immediately following events gain time for his preparations. He con- hinged. Perhaps, however, he thought sidered a promise to present him speedily that Mary would be more dangerous as a to the king as a feint to cover other designs, prisoner in England than as an exile at and treated a festival, given by the minis- Brussels; and he, perhaps, connived at her ter professedly for the king's recovery, as journey towards the coast, that she might an artifice of the same sort. He had been be driven to that unpopular asylum. On informed that the opinion of the physicians the 6th of July, "towards nighte," this was, that Edward's complaint was pulmo- amiable and promising boy breathed his nary, and had symptoms of an advanced last in his palace at Greenwich. "His stage of consumption.* But the ambassador disease," says the privy-council," whereof five days afterwards tells his master that he died, was of the putrefaction of the Edward was "thought out of danger." Some lungs; being utterly incurable of this part certainly of the ministerial language, evil.” His position in English history, which he described as proceeding from a between a tyrant and a bigot, adds somedeep plot, arose only from the natural anx- what to the grace of his innocent and atiety of most ministers to speak, and some- tractive character, which borrows also an times to think, as favorably as they can of additional charm, from the mild lustre which their master's health. The French ambas-surrounds the name of lady Jane Grey, the sador had good reason to be watchful; for companion of his infancy, and the object on the 23d of June, Henry II. had been in- of his dying choice as a successor on the formed that measures were on foot at Brus- throne.

sels to revive the old treaty of marriage A solemn embassy from the imperial with Mary.t court at Brussels arrived too late to find

66

The deathbed devotions of Edward bear Edward alive, instructed to declare, that, testimony to his love of his people, and of if the king should die and the crown should his fervid zeal against what he conscien- descend to Mary, the emperor would aptiously believed to be corruptions of true prove her marrying an Englishman; and religion. "O Lord, save thy chosen peo- of her promising that there should be no ple of England. Defend this realm from change in religion, if the people required papistry, and maintain thy true religion." such an assurance. On the 13th of July Whatever were the motives of others in they openly threatened that Charles would the irregular measures which had been not endure such a wrong to his kinswoman adopted, the prayer of Edward discloses the as her exclusion. From this moment Simon purity of his spirit, and is sufficient to prove Bernard, who conducted the Imperial busithat he consented to deviate from law, only ness and left the grandeur of the embassy because the deviation seemed to him to be to his noble colleagues, became the secret warranted by the necessity of defending counsellor of Mary, and the soul of her poreligion. He now sunk rapidly. On the litical measures. It was a necessary conday before his demise, the council made an sequence of his ascendant in the royal an attempt to lure the princess Mary into closet that Noailles paid court to every distheir hands, by desiring her, in the name contented party, nourished the hopes of of her brother, to repair to London. After French aid, supplied the needy and the covshe had made some progress in her journey, etous with money, made wary approaches she received from lord Arundel private to the members of the royal family, whose warning at Hunsdon, which induced her name might be used by the disaffected, and to shun the snare, and to resort to her resi- very probably magnified the success of this dence in Norfolk. Had Northumberland policy to himself before he represented it acted with more rapidity and foresight, he in such bright colors to his court. It need not, however, be imputed to diplomatic *"Les médecins ont peu d'éspérance, étant en contrivance that he calls the young queen doute qu'il ne crache son poulmon." Noailles, 13 Jane "wise, virtuous, and beautiful," for in Mai, 1553. Embassade, ii. 25. this language he agrees with all who saw

† Henry II. a Noailles, St. Germ., 23d June. The

interpretation of Vertot, the editor, is adopted in and heard her.§

the text; but the words "L'Empereur s'etoit resolu d'entreprendre la poursuite de la praticque ja encommencée avec Madame Marie," may be thought|

Council to Sir P. Hobby, ambassador to the em

more probably to refer to more recent intercourse. peror, 8th July. Strype's Eccl. Mem. Ibid Emb. ii. 45.

§ Noailles, 13th July, Emb. ii. 58.

CHAP. XIV.

LADY JANE GREY.-1553.

clamations of Jane in London, and of Mary at Norwich, excited no cries of applause, and produced no outward marks of interest, NORTHUMBERLAND concealed the death in the choice of a sovereign. The uncerof the king for two days. On the 8th of tainty of the event probably smothered the July, as has already been related, the coun- zeal of both parties. The whole public cil apprized the ambassadors of this event, authority and ordinary force were in the and communicated it to the lord mayor and hands of the Protestant lords; but Noraldermen of London, that they might pre- thumberland's supineness delayed the adpare for the coronation of the lady Jane. vance of the troops long enough to suffer Mary received this intelligence from her the friends of Mary to assemble in force: friends at court, and on the 9th wrote a he now felt the fatal effects of the populetter to the privy-council, expostulating larity of Somerset, whom he had destroyed. with them for their undutiful concealment, The remembrance of the popular protector solemnly affirming her right, and tendering divided the Protestants; a great part of an unreserved pardon on condition of their them co-operated with the still powerful causing her to be immediately proclaimed. party of Catholics. The concealed followIn their answer, they declared their un-ers of the ancient religion threw off the shaken adherence to the lawful title of mask; the lukewarm, the hesitating, the queen Jane: both parties prepared to de- timid, stood aloof. Scarcely any but those cide the contest by an appeal to arms. adherents to the reformation, who were Mary fixed her residence at Framlingham ready to sacrifice all for it, could now be Castle, in Suffolk, where the people, retain-relied on, if there were an appearance of a ing an indignant remembrance of the se- serious struggle. Even they must have verities employed to suppress Ket's rebel- felt many painful misgivings at the proslion, hated Northumberland; and where pect of the triumph of the tyrannical Norshe might easily receive assistance from thumberland: never was there a more the Low Countries, or make her escape striking contrast than that between the thither in case of need. most amiable of sovereigns and one of the It was on the 9th of July, also, that most odious of ministers. Though he was Northumberland and Suffolk communicated now the champion of the Protestant cause, to lady Jane the tidings of Edward's death, the sincerity of his attachment to it was and of her own elevation to the throne. much, and, as it appeared afterwards, not She fainted at the announcement, apparent- unjustly doubted. ly as much affected by the latter as by the Shelley, who was sent by Northumberformer of these occurrences. Afterwards, land to the emperor, was refused an audescribing the transaction in a letter to dience by that monarch, who also refused Mary, she says, "As soon as I had, with to receive a letter in which Jane notified infinite pain to my mind, understood these her accession. things, how much I remained beside my- On Sunday the 16th of June, bishop self, stunned and agitated, I leave to those lords to testify who saw me fall to the ground, and who knew how grievously I wept."

Ridley, one of the most zealous of the Protestant prelates, preached a sermon at Paul's Cross in support of the title of Jane, with severe animadversions on the religion When she recovered her mind, she is of Mary; almost the only perilous act of said to have urged the very simple and homage to the unfortunate Jane after she natural topics of the preferable claim of began her fleeting reign. Both Mary and the princesses, agreeably to the law of the Jane issued commands to lord-lieutenants realm and the commandments of God. Her and sheriffs to march with the power of dignified reserve probably prevented her, in their counties to the aid of the rightful the letter to Mary cited above, from ad- sovereign. Northumberland was desirous verting to that and to many other parts of of watching over the capital and the court, the conference farther than by a general while Suffolk was to put himself at the reference to eye-witnesses. They pressed head of the army against the followers of her with the authority of the judges. She Mary; but Northumberland was persuaded, gave the strongest proof, that a woman of either treacherously (according to general her piety could offer, of her desire to act opinion) or at least fatally, to take the armconscientiously, by imploring the guidance ed force into his own veteran and victorious of supreme Wisdom. hands, and leave queen Jane and the coun

It is somewhat remarkable that the pro- cil to Suffolk, who had no name in war. On the 18th of July the earls of Oxford,

* Polini Stor. ecc. della Revol. de l'Inghilterra, Bath, and Sussex, with some commoners

from Mr. Turner, v. 216.

of note, seceded from the council. Intel