lent religion were the only means by hinder my return to my own country. I which she could regain any portion of ask her nothing but friendship. I do not power and securely retain the crown. trouble her state, or practise with her subHer uncles, who were still more poli- jects; yet I know there be in her realm, ticians than Catholics, saw the necessity of that be inclined enough to hear offers. I temporizing, and distrusted the advice of know also that they be not of the same zealots: they acquiesced in lord James's mind that she is of, neither in religion nor counsel for the moment, content to adjourn in other things. Your queen says I am the subjugation of Scotland till all Europe young, and lack experience. I confess I am should again bend under the papal yoke. younger than she is. During my late lord The French officers who had served in and husband's time, I was subject to him; Scotland warned the queen against trust- and now my uncles, who are counsellors of ing to the strength of the royalists, ap- the crown of France, deem it unmeet to prized her of the universality of the de- offer advice on the affairs between Engfection, urged the necessity of complying land and Scotland. I cannot proceed in with the temper of her people, and advised this matter until I have the counsel of her to place her confidence in lord James, nobles and states of mine own realm, and to employ Maitland of Lethington and which I cannot have till I come among Kirkaldy of Grange, in spite of the incon- them. I never meant harm to the queen stancy which belonged to both. my sister. I should be loth either to do

As soon as Mary had determined on her wrong to others, or to suffer so much return to her kingdom, she dispatched wrong to myself." The genuineness of D'Oysell to London to ask a safe-conduct this eloquent speech, one of the most refor the minister to pursue his journey into markable specimens of guarded sarcasm Scotland; and for the queen of Scots her- and of politely insinuated menace, is indisself, either on her voyage from France to putable; for it is reported by a pen that Scotland, or on a journey to her own do- would not have adorned it. After this conminions from any English port where she versation, James Stuart, commendator of should choose to land.* Elizabeth delivered the monastery of St. Colm, was dispatched her answer to him at a crowded court with to London. He left Abbeville on the 8th a loud voice, and in a tone of emotion, re- of August, with instructions more friendly fusing both requests; and adding, that the than Mary's conversation would have led queen of Scots should ask no favors till she Elizabeth to expect. The latter princess, had redeemed her pledged faith by the rat- in her letter of the 16th to the queen of ification of the treaty of Edinburgh. “ Let | Scots, continues to say, “We require no your queen ratify the treaty, and she shall benefit of you but that you will perform experience on my part, either by sea or by your promise; neither covet we any thing land, whatever can be expected from a but what is in your own power, as queen queen, a relation, and a neighbor." When of Scotland,-that which indeed made advices were received of D'Oysell's fail- peace between us; yea, that without ure, Throgmorton, the English minister, which no amity can continue between us. was admitted to an audience of Mary, in Nevertheless, perceiving by the report of which she displayed a spirit and calm- the bringer that you mean forthwith, on ness probably unexampled among beautiful your coming home, to follow the advice of queens of nineteen. Having waved her your council in Scotland, we are content hand as a signal to the company to with- to suspend our conceit of unkindness, and draw to another part of the room, she said do assure you, this being performed, to live to Throgmorton: "My lord ambassador-in neighborhood with you quietly in the I know not how far I may be transported knot of friendship. It seemeth that report by passion, but I like not to have so many hath been made to you, that we had sent witnesses of my passion as the queen your out our admiral with our fleet to hinder mistress was content to have when she your passage. Your servants know how talked to M. D'Oysell. There is nothing false that is. We have only, at the desire that doth more grieve me than that I did of the king of Spain, sent two or three so forget myself as to desire from the queen small barks to sea, in pursuit of certain a favor that I had no need to ask. You Scottish pirates." These last words must know that, both here and elsewhere, I have be considered as substantially an assurance friends and allies. It will be thought that orders had been given to the comstrange among all princes and countries, mander of the English vessels equivalent to that she should first animate my subjects against me; and now that I am a widow,

* A copy of D'Oysell's written application, hitherto unpublished, is in the State Paper Office dated 11th July, 1561.

f Throgmorton to queen Elizabeth. Paris, 26th July, 1561. Cabala, 335.

Keith's Historical Catalogue, 386. Edin. 1824. § Elizabeth to Mary, 16th Aug. 1561. Robertson's Appendix, No. VI.

struments.

When

a safe-conduct. A breach of such an as- before her eyes, from disregarding the surance would have been as infamous as soundings and currents, and the greater that of the most formal instrument. The part of the mariners were lost. On beholdlaw of nations, which has the imper- ing this, Mary exclaimed, "Good God, fection of being destitute of tribunals to what an omen for a voyage!" decide its disputes, and of force to carry they had cleared the harbor a breeze judgments into execution, has, at least, sprung up, so that they made sail, and the some compensation in being free from pet- oars of the galley-slaves ceased from their tifogging, and knows little of the dis- noise. The queen, leaning on both arms, tinction between formal and informal in- stood on the poop, and, amidst the big tears which fell from her fine eyes, looked back Though Mary surpassed her cousin both on the port and country which she was in vivacity and address, Elizabeth had un- quitting, repeating, "Farewell, France! doubtedly the better cause; and in her last farewell, France!" She continued in this letter showed more prudence. When ask- mournful state for some hours, till it waxed ed for a favor, she required the payment dark; and she was entreated to go into of a debt of justice. Mary would have the cabin, and eat a little supper. She forfeited no fair advantage by ratifying the exclaimed, weeping more plentifully and renunciation. Whatever influence Mary more bitterly, "It is now, my dear France, might gain in England by declining to re- that I lose sight of thee: I shall never see nounce a present claim to the crown supe- thee more." A bed was prepared for her on rior to that of Elizabeth, was evidently the poop, where she had some interruptinconsistent with her professed desire of ed and disturbed sleep. The steersman peace, and could only be kept up at the awakened her at break of day; for so she expense of the quiet and safety of the had ordered him to do, if the French coast English nation. By the renunciation of were then in view. As it disappeared, she the claim to possession, on the other hand, redoubled her farewell ejaculations, exthe succession of the house of Stuart, after claiming, "Farewell, France! it is over; the death of Elizabeth without issue, ac- I shall never see thee again:"-so poigncording to the hereditary nature of the ant were the feelings inspired by the monarchy, was left inviolate. The two affections, the fears, and the recollections claims to possession and succession, so far of a royal beauty, whose days of magnififrom being naturally connected, were prac- cence and power were now closed. Let tically inconsistent. The claim to pos- it not be forgotten that the experience of session asserted by the arms supposed unwonted sorrow disposed her to pity: she Elizabeth to be an usurper-the right of did not allow a slave in the galleys to be succession recognized her as a lawful sov-struck, requesting, and even expressly ereign.* commanding, her uncle of Aumale to enThe queen of Scots began her voyage force the execution of her humane orders. about the 14th of August, 1561: she had The weather was clear till the day before been accompanied to Calais by six of her the landing of the vessels, when they were princely uncles, and attended thither by a surrounded by a fog so thick that the eye brilliant company of the lords and ladies could see no object so far as from poop to of the French court. A smaller number prow. They were obliged to cast anchor followed her to her kingdom; among whom, in the open sea, and to take soundings fortunately for posterity, was Peter de often; and on Monday morning, the 19th Bourdeille, lord of Brantome, whose artless of August, when the fog was dispersed, and picturesque narrative has furnished to they found themselves so surrounded with historians the materials of a story which rocks, that if they had not stopped they for three centuries has touched the hearts must have perished.t

of mankind.

A small English squadron, sent out, as At the moment when the queen was has been said, in pursuit of Scottish pirates, leaving the harbor of Calais, and just be- saw the royal vessels,-saluted them,fore the oars of her galley were first and, after searching the baggage vessels dipped into sea water, a vessel perished for pirates, dismissed the whole convoy * Dr. Robertson, a judicious and accurate histo- amicably, except one vessel, which was rian, has argued this case as if the consequence suspected of having pirates on board.‡ acquired by Mary's pretensions to England were not unlawful; and has confounded the right of succession with the claim to possession. Notwithstanding his general correctness, and his uniform solicitude for truth, he has suffered the words "in all times to come" to slide into his summary of the renunciation, which may seem to favor his argument; though they would, in truth, be of little moment if they were part of the treaty. Robertson, ii. 49. Ed. 1802. 8vo.

28**

† Brantome, i. 119-125. Edit. Lond. 1779.

Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iii. c. i. Hardw. State Papers, 176. Cecil to Throgmorton. Brantome limits the duration of the fog to the last day. Castelnau mentions that the English vessels were seen from the queen's galleys; which must refer to a time before objects on the prow were invisible from the poop. They both corroborate the intelligence of Cecil.

2 R

That such pirates were then cruising in every black crime which requires hateful the Scottish sea is indisputable; for, on the forethought and wicked contrivance, the 25th of August, Elizabeth sent to Mary a court of Catherine de Medici was unlist of their names, desiring that they matched; in shameless and gross dissolumight be delivered up to justice; and, on tion of manners it surpassed every other: the 6th of September,* Mary answered the number of political atrocities was that news of this disorder had reached her probably greater at Paris than at Edinbefore she had left France; that on her burgh. The guilty deeds to which men arrival in Scotland she had prohibited sus- are instigated by violent passions were, in picious cruisers; and that, on the receipt all likelihood, most numerous in Scotland: of Elizabeth's letter, she had ordered the reformation, which taught more severe search to be made for the plunderers. That manners, had not yet breathed the Christhe English fleet saw the galleys, and tian spirit of love and charity; but from might have captured them, is evident from the eye of the young princess the varnish the fact admitted by Cecil, that one of the of manner and pageantry of apparel, howships was actually detained. The conduct ever slight and unequal, and the little of the English commanders towards Mary's tincture of arts and letters which began to vessels minutely corresponds with the as-spread a somewhat fairer hue over the sosurance of Elizabeth, in her letter of the ciety of France, altogether hid the near 16th of August, that she suspended her approach to equality of the two nations displeasure at the refusal to ratify the with respect to the weightier matters of treaty, and had given orders to her naval the law. officers which were equivalent to a safe- Notwithstanding the forebodings of Mary conduct. on her arrival, her administration was for On landing at Leith, the queen and her several years prudent and prosperous. The company were obliged to mount the Presbyterian establishment continued inviwretched hackney horses of the country, olate, without any inquiry into the irregustill more wretchedly caparisoned. The larities of its origin. The revolts against queen burst into tears, exclaiming, "Are legal authority were overlooked; and an these the pomps, the splendors, and the su- act of oblivion was passed in the parliaperb animals on which I used to ride in ment of 1564.

France?" When they arrived at the abbey During this period, the Scottish policy of Holyrood, the French courtiers owned of Elizabeth continued to be governed by that it was a fine building, and that it did the same principle of countenancing and not partake of the barbarism of the coun- encouraging the Protestant party, her natutry. In the evening, however, they were ral and necessary allies. Mary's powerannoyed by a multitude of 500 or 600 per- ful and ambitious uncles were desirous of sons, who sung Psalms under the windows, extending their sway by the marriage of an early and offensive badge of their their niece to a Catholic prince. The Calvinism, playing on sorry rebecks and policy of Elizabeth would disincline her to unstrung fiddles, with such neglect of all give that strength to the Catholic preharmony, that the Parisian connoisseurs sumptive heiress which a powerful or able thought it worth their while to criticise husband would necessarily bestow. But, their performance. Next morning, the whatever her inclinations might be, it is queen's chaplain narrowly escaped with not likely that so sagacious a woman his life from the hands of the fanatical would actively pursue a project of perrabble, who viewed him with horror as a petual celibacy for a young and beautiful priest of Baal.‡ Such," said the queen, queen. The objects which were perhaps "is the beginning of welcome and allegi- attainable, though with much difficulty, ance from my subjects: what may be the were to prevent her wedding a Catholic or end I know not; but I venture to foretell a foreign prince; because the latter might that it will be very bad.", have formidable connexions, and because

66

It would have perplexed a philosophical he was likely to be of the Catholic party. moralist to have estimated the comparative An Englishman was the person whom it depravity of the country where she had would best suit the queen's policy that lived, and of the country where she came Mary should espouse: and as Elizabeth to rule in falsehood, circumvention, in had listened without displeasure to the faithless disregard of engagements, in proposal of the states of Scotland, that the

earl of Arran should be her husband, the like tender of the hand of an English sub

§ For this tender see the statute above cited; also the original suggestion, unpublished, in the State Paper Office, in February, 1561; to which queen Elizabeth's answer may be seen in Haynes, 364.

ject could not in England be thought de-resist the house of Lorrain had become rogatory from the honor and dignity of the lukewarm.†

Scottish queen. Although it was as lawful Elizabeth made a nearer approach to the for Elizabeth to prevent by fair means the delicate subject of marriage, in instructions accession of Scotland to her enemies by to Randolph, her minister at Edinburgh, on marriage, as it would be to hinder their the 16th of November, 1563, the day before conquest of a country on which the safety he set out on his mission. In these inof her own dominions depended; yet her structions Cecil, who was the writer, disinterference to impede the free choice of a cusses very ably the reasons which ought husband by her cousin was a policy of a to regulate the choice of Mary; which he stern and obnoxious sort, which required briefly stated to be, 1. The mutual affection much address, and all the mitigations of of the wedded parties; 2. The approval of which so harsh a measure was susceptible. her own subjects; and, 3. The friendship It was necessary to the political object that of Elizabeth. On this last head Cecil obadvances should be slowly made; that pro-served, that the queen, his mistress, could posals should be suggested before they not think a foreign match conducive to the were avowed; that the temper of Mary end; and he adds, that she disapproved of should be sounded at every step; and that the means employed [by Mary's uncle the Elizabeth should sometimes retire quickly cardinal, of whose practices she was not from a plan which should appear im- ignorant,] for a husband in the emperor's practicable or hazardous. It was impos- family. Randolph was farther instructed sible, in a correspondence of two women to say from himself, by indirect speeches, on such a subject, that the passions and that "nothing would content Elizabeth so weaknesses of their sex should not mingle much as Mary's choice of some noble perwith their policy as sovereigns: if these son within the kingdom of England, having considerations be kept in view, it will not the qualities and conditions meet for such be difficult to form a judgment on the fol- an alliance, [yea, perchance, (adds the lowing summary of the matrimonial nego-queen in her own handwriting,) such as tiation, which will not import grave blame she could hardly think we could agree of either queen. unto,] and therewith be agreeable to both The offers made to Mary on the part queens and both their nations;"—or, as the of the archduke Charles, of don Carlos, words are reported by Sir James Melville, and other foreign princes, have been nar-" with whom her majesty might more rated at the same time with the proposals readily and more safely declare and extend made to Elizabeth. Every such marriage the good-will her majesty has to cause you of Mary was objectionable to Elizabeth, to enjoy, before any creature, any thing for the most solid reasons of national se- she has, next herself or children."{ curity. The Protestant nobility of Scotland Randolph, some time after,||_suggested dreaded a Roman Catholic husband, especi- Robert Dudley; on which Mary made ally if strengthened by foreign dominions. some dilatory and evasive answers, and An alliance with a powerful monarch was concluded by saying, "I do not look for the unpopular among Scotchmen of all parties, kingdom; my sister may marry and live as threatening that ancient independence longer than myself; my respect is to what of which a martial nation felt a generous may be for my commodity (policy) and the jealousy, the guardian of their national contentment of my friends, who, I believe, rank, a sentiment which atoned for many would hardly agree that I should embase of the vices incident to their barbarism. myself so far as that:" words which seem Mary, soon after her return to Scotland, clearly to imply that favorable terms resolicited an interview with Elizabeth to specting the succession had been held out cement their friendship, and to settle their if she should consent to the marriage differences amicably. The queen of Eng-recommended to her by Elizabeth. Lord land had concluded a treaty with the Robert Dudley was the younger son of the prince of Condé, which will be presently regent duke of Northumberland, and, conmore fully considered, for the defence of sequently, a brother of lord Guilford Dudthe Protestants against the cruelty and ley, lady Jane Grey's husband. Writers perfidy of the Guisian faction;* which

† Ellis's Letters, second series, vol. i. p. 267. Sir

naturally induced her to postpone such William Cecil to an unknown correspondent, 11th manifestation of friendship, until an am- October, 1562. icable adjustment of the affairs of France MSS. in State Paper office, in November, 1563, should allow her to meet Mary without inserted in Cecil's MS. in the handwriting of Elizaand March, 1564. The words between brackets are causing any suspicion that her zeal to

* Dumont. Corps. Diplomat. pars i. p. 94. Hampton Court, 20th September, 1562.

beth.

§ Melville, 107.

familiarly acquainted with him represent of the successful issue of his embassy.* his person as goodly, his countenance as Some historians have, very gratuitously, singularly well featured, and in his youth supposed these negotiations on the part of of a sweet aspect. His high forehead gave England to have been insincere, and ina dignity to this soft expression; he pos- tended only to prolong the celibacy of sessed the arts, the attainments, and the Mary, or at least to divert her from a forgraceful manners which flourish in courts. eign alliance. Undoubtedly the latter purIntoxicated by the favor of the queen, his pose always influenced Elizabeth: but can ambition aspired beyond the level of his any one seriously believe that, if the queen capacity, either in council or in the field. of Scots had shown a willingness to wed Placed so near the summit of grandeur, he Leicester, Elizabeth either could with is charged, on imperfect evidence, with plausibility or would in prudence have remurdering two of his wives as impedi- jected an arrangement which she herself ments on his way to the throne. None of proposed, and which placed Scotland under his contemporaries ascribe any merit to the administration of her most trusty lieuhim but the shallow and showy qualities tenant? Every political reason pleaded for of a courtier. The most obvious explana- the real and earnest pursuit of the martion of the favor enjoyed by such a man at riage. Elizabeth showed that she had herthe court of the wisest of queens, must be self no purpose to wed Leicester; nor is it owned to be found in the weaknesses to reasonable to impute to a politic sovereign which female sovereigns are peculiarly the sacrifice of her highest interest to liable. Yet it is not easy to study the amorous frailties: and it is incredible that virtues or the vices of Elizabeth without she should have been influenced by so inclining to an opinion, that the same chimerical a project as that of perpetuating pleasure in the exercise of supreme power, the widowhood of a queen, for whose hand the same pride of rule, the same aversion all Europe was then pouring forth competifrom subjection which made her impatient tors. Some plausibility has been given to of the authority of a husband, would also this supposed delusion practised on Mary, dispose her to reject the often harsher yoke by the unexpected backwardness of Elizaof an illicit lover. Fancies and prefer- beth, at the critical moment, in sacrificing ences, especially in haughty women, do expectations relating to the succession, not always become passionate attachments. which her former language had been calWomen may be touched who will not be culated to excite. But she inherited much subdued; and many pass their lives on the of that jealousy of pretenders, of competibrink of weaknesses into which they never tors, and of heirs, which the Tudor princes fall. Elizabeth is said to have inherited caught from their originally irregular title. from Henry VIII. a taste for handsome This jealousy was confirmed by the revolts attendants, as pageants of the court; a against Henry VII.; and still more by those preference which might have been softened religious revolutions, which afforded alarmby the sex of Elizabeth, without outweigh- ing proofs how easily established instituing her sense of dignity, overpowering her tions might be overthrown.† hatred of a master, or silencing the voice As the prospect of marriage with Leicesof moral principle, which, however some- ter vanished, another candidate presented times disobeyed, was no stranger to her himself, whose appearance was attended breast. by almost instantaneous success. This was

As there is no doubt that Dudley aspired Henry Stuart, lord Darnley, the son of the to the hand of Elizabeth, he must have earl of Lennox, by lady Margaret Douglas, professed, and may have felt, a repug- daughter of Margaret Tudor, queen of nance to an union with the most beautiful, Scots, by the second marriage of the last and most accomplished, queen in Europe. princess with the earl of Angus. The The negotiation on the subject continued during the whole year 1564. On condition 508. February 5. 1565, and Keith, 269.; who adds *Cecil's Diary in Murlin's State Papers, 506of its success, it appears that Elizabeth from himself, "as we may conjecture, by declaring was ready to grant those very favorable our queen presumptive heiress to the crown of Engterms which she authorized Randolph to oversight very unusual with him, alleges as part land;" an inference which Dr. Robertson, by an hold out in November; which some writers of the dispatch, and relies on as an historical fact. describe as the adoption of Mary as a Robertson, ii. 109. daughter or sister, with the recognition of contain the best key to Elizabeth's fluctuations:her rights as presumptive heiress to the "I see the queen's majesty very desirous to have crown. So late as the 5th of February, my lord of Leicester to be the Scottish queen's hus1565, Randolph, in his dispatches from demanded, I see her then remiss of her earnestness. Edinburgh, assured his court of the incli- 30th Dec. 1564."-Ellis, ii. 294. The date of the let nation of the queen of Scots to marry the ter, and the words "conditions which are demand earl of Leicester, and the great probability der it decisive.

†The following words in one of Cecil's dispatches

band; but when it cometh to the conditions which are

ed," which must refer to the succession, seem to ren.