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arose between them that mighty conflict of interest and opinion which less than a century later culminated in the greatest Civil War the world has ever known.

It is a matter of interest to mark, and of philosophy to note, that this giant contest grew, as most contests do, out of the ever-recurring, never-to-be-settled, question of dollars and cents.

After the independence of the Colonies had been declared, in 1776, the next step was to maintain it. Taxes were apportioned to the States for this purpose, based on the value of their lands, instead of the numbers of their inhabitants, as at first proposed, because of the impossibility of getting the Eastern (or Northern) and Southern States to agree as to the relative value of the slaves as inhabitants-the South contending that "they ought not to be taxed equally with the white laborers of the North for two reasons. A white man would do three times as much work as a negro, so one white man ought to count for as much as three negroes; and further, it would be manifestly unjust to tax the South for her negroes when they were property"-"you had as well include the cattle of the Northern farmer as the negroes of the Southern planter-you would be taxing the South doubly, on her numbers and on her wealth conjointly." The Northern men, on the other hand, claiming that "your laborers are inhabitants, be they slaves or freemen, and add equally to the wealth of the country, and should therefore be equally included in any rule of taxation." 2

Owing to this irreconcilable difference of opinion it was then decided to make the value of the lands the basis of the taxes; but in 1783, finding these values so fluctuating and uncertain as to be very unsatisfactory, Congress determined to base the taxes on the numbers of inhabitants, as being the only available plan. Again, all the arguments were gone over, pro and con; when 1 See Mr. Madison's papers.-Notes of the Convention. ' Idem.

finally, Mr. Madison proposed, as a compromise, that, in the census which should be taken to determine the number of inhabitants for taxation, five negroes should be counted as three white men. This proposition passed, and when, in 1787, the representation of the States in Congress was under consideration by the Constitutional Convention, it was agreed to adopt this rule of taxation, as also the rule of representation,' it being alleged as the reason for it that a people should be represented in proportion as they are taxed, and vice versa.

In the course of these debates, it came out very strongly that when the negro was to be taxed the North rated him very highly, and the South very low; but when he was to be represented, it was the South that valued him at a very high rate, and the North correspondingly low. The vice versa aspect of difference in opinion on these points is almost amusing to the reader of the discussions which are recorded in Mr. Madison's Notes of the Convention.

This three-fifths representation of the slaves of the South in Congress was the cause of much jealousy and antagonism on the part of the North for many years— her freemen deeply resenting even the partial equality of a race so inferior and degraded as the blacks of the South; and being jealous, also, of the superior race who received, as they imagined, the benefit of the representation of their slaves. This jealousy and sensitiveness were aroused whenever the question was brought up in any shape or form, and, at the time of the formation of the Constitution, came very near preventing altogether the Union of the States; as the Southern States refused absolutely to unite with the Northern unless they should receive the benefit of some representation for their slaves, when they were taxed for them as part of their population-and would only agree to enter the Union. with the further condition that their slave property

1 Madison's Notes.

should be protected by law from any aggressions of their neighbor States. Whilst some of the Northern men declared "it was monstrous that the citizen of Georgia, who would go to the coast of Guinea and import the wretched Africans, reducing them to a state of slavery, should have more votes in a government instituted for protection of the freedom of mankind than the freeman of the Northern States, who scorned to so violate the rights of human nature; and moreover that it was unfair to bring these savages into the country, and then expect the North, in case of insurrection among them, to rush to arms in defense of the South." The Southern men retorted that "they would never ask the North to defend them against their own slaves, as they felt amply able to take care of themselves without any assistance. That this was not a question of morality-nor did they acknowledge the right of the Northern States to dictate to them as to morals-but the only question at issue was, should the States unite? That interest was the governing principle with nations, and all they had to decide was whether it was for their mutual interest to form a Union." 2

The young Republic had been singularly surrounded by difficulties from the beginning of her existence. There were foreign foes whom she must keep off, and the foreign powers of the world whose respect she must command; there were the Indians on her borders, whom she must conquer or conciliate; and Tories in her midst whom she must watch and guard against; there were dissensions and jealousies among the States themselves— the larger States considering themselves entitled to more power than the small States, and the small States fearful lest the larger ones might claim out to the Mississippi or "down to the South Sea," as the Pacific Ocean was then called. The East had her fisheries and her commerce, the South had her slaves, and the West her great Missis1 Gouverneur Morris (of Pa.) 2 Mr. Rutledge (of S. C.)

sippi River, as perpetual subjects of discord between the different sections. Each State too was sovereign in character, and it was a difficult thing for them to determine to lay down any of their sovereign powers. They preferred to make their own treaties, and collect their own revenue, and rejected every proposal of Congress looking to collection of revenue by the Confederated Government.

The war debt was unpaid, and there was no power to enforce any contributions from the several States. With no money in the Treasury, and no means to provide for its support, it was evident that the Government must collapse speedily. The best men of the country were therefore selected to hold a Convention, and it was under the sternest pressure of necessity from without and within that our present Union was agreed upon; the defiant pride of state-powers and the haughty independence of State-sovereignties yielding only to the inevitable, and hedging themselves about with every protection to those powers and sovereignties that might be consistent with the general good, and with the requirements of a defined and regulated general government.

The history of the Constitution is so well known, it is not necessary to repeat it here. But there is one part of the history of slavery under the Constitution that is not so well known as it should be, and that is, that the continuance of the slave trade for twenty years, or until the year 1808, was due to a bargain made between the three New England States, viz., Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, on the one side, and South Carolina and Georgia on the other, in utter contravention of the views of the other Southern States.

Hear Gen. Washington's statement of it as reported by Mr. Jefferson in his "Anas," in which is given the purport of a conversation with Gen. Washington, Sept. 30, 1792, when he tells Mr. Jefferson: "The Constitution, agreed to till a fortnight before the Convention rose, was such a one as he would have set his hand and

heart to. 1st. The President was to be elected for seven years. 2d. Rotation in the Senate. 3d. A vote of twothirds in the legislature on particular subjects, and expressly on that of navigation.

"The three New England States were constantly with us in all questions (Rhode Island not there, and New York seldom), so that it was these three States, with the five Southern ones, against Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware.

"With respect to the importation of slaves, it was left to Congress. This disturbed the two southernmost States, who knew that Congress would immediately suppress the importation of slaves. These two States, therefore, struck up a bargain with the three New England States.

"If they would join to admit slaves for some years, the southernmost States would join in changing the clause which required two-thirds of the legislature in any vote. It was done.

"These articles were changed accordingly, and from that moment the two southernmost States, and these three northern ones, joined Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware, and made the majority eight to three against us, instead of eight to three for us, as it had been through the whole Convention.

"Under this coalition, the great principles of the Constitution were changed in the last days of the Convention."

The above is fully borne out by Mr. Madison's record of the votes and proceedings of the Convention.

He says, that on August 25th: "The Report of the Committee of eleven (see Friday the twenty-fourth), being taken up, General Pinckney,2 moved to strike out the words, 'the year eighteen hundred,' as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to insert the words, 'eighteen hundred and eight.'

'Jefferson's Works, Ninth Vol., "The Anas."

2 Of South Carolina.

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