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these bitter animadversions from the North and East upon what I regard as the patriotic exertions of the venerable Senator from Kentucky to pour oil upon the troubled waters, and listen here to the merciless denunciations which both he and his resolutions receive from my friend from Mississippi, I could not but feel for the Senator from Kentucky a sympathy which nothing in his past history had awakened in me."'1

Mr. Foote assented to the injustice done in this instance, but insisted on the evil consequences to the South of Mr. Clay's position on the subject of slavery.

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"Mr.Clay: Now I really should be much indebted to the honorable Senator for the sympathy which he felt for me, in respect to the recent attack, which I believe has been in the newspaper which I think has been laid on the tables of all of us. But, sir, I desire the sympathy of no man, the forbearance of no man; I desire to escape from no responsibility of my public conduct on account of my age or for any other cause. I ask for none. I am in a peculiar situation, Mr. President, if you will allow me to say so, without any earthly object before me, standing, as it were, on the brink of eternity, separated to a great extent from all the earthly ties which connect a mortal with his being during this transitory state. I am here expecting soon to go hence, and owing no responsibility but that which I owe to my own conscience and to God. Ready to express my opinions upon all and every subject, I am determined to do so, and no imputation, no threat, no menace, no application of awe or terror to me will be availing in restraining me from expressing them. None, none whatever. The honorable Senator, if he chooses, may deem me an Abolitionist. Be it so. Sir, if there is a well-abused man in this country, if I were to endeavor to find out the man above all others abused by Abolitionists, it is the humble individual now ad1 Cong. Globe, Vol. 21, p. 404.

dressing you. The honorable Senator from Mississippi does not perhaps see these papers as I do; but they all pour out from their vials of wrath bitterness which is perfectly indescribable, and they put epithets into their papers, accompanied with all the billingsgate which they can employ, and, lest I should not see them, they invariably take occasion in these precious instances of traduction to send their papers to me. I wish the honorable Senator from Mississippi, Mr. Foote, could have an opportunity of seeing some of them.

"Mr. Cass: I can give the honorable Senator from Mississippi a bushel of them if he will take the pains to read them; and I must say that the honorable Senator from Kentucky is about the best abused man in all this Union, with perhaps one exception. (Laughter.)

"Mr. Clay: Now, sir, when I brought forth this proposition of mine, which is embraced in these resolutions, I intended, so help me God, to propose a plan of doing equal and impartial justice to the South and to the North so far as I could comprehend it, and I think it does yet. But how has this effort been received by the ultraists? Why, at the North they cry out-and it is not that paper alone to which the honorable Senator from Iowa, Mr. Dodge, refers, but many other papers also they all cry out, 'It is all concession to the South.' And, sir, what is the language in the South? They say, 'It is all concession to the North.' And I assure you, Mr. President, it has reconciled me very much to my poor efforts, to find that the ultraists on the one hand and on the other equally traduce the scheme I propose, for conceding every thing to their opponents.

But, sir, I would ask the honorable Senator from Mississippi if he is conscious of the language which he used? He said, if I understand him aright, that when I addressed the Senate on a former occasion, instead of adhering to the interests of the South, I had gone over to the ranks of the enemy. Enemies! Where have we enemies in this happy and glorious Confederacy?

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"I consider us all as one family, all as friends, all as brethren. I consider us all as united in one common destiny; and those efforts which I shall continue to employ will be to keep us together as one family, in concord and harmony, and above all, to avoid that direful day when one part of the Union can speak of the other as an enemy.

"Mr. Foote: I must honestly declare that I will hold no alliance with Abolitionists, with the men who meet at Faneuil Hall and adopt resolutions for the purpose of setting Southern slaves at liberty. I do not recognize them as my brethren or as fellow-citizens. I look upon them as incendiaries, as unprincipled men, and as being only worthy of our reproach. While I am on the floor, I will say that I have no doubt the honorable Senator from Kentucky has been denounced by the Northern press; but, with the exception of the Garrison presses, and those of a similar character, I think the denunciations chiefly come from the sound Democratic press of the North on account of his yielding too much to our Abolition enemies. The organ of the honorable Senator from New York is full of plaudits and commendations. I said that the moral influence used by the honorable Senator from Kentucky was operating against the interests of the South without his intending to produce the mischievous effects which are now arising from it. Sir, it is a fact with the honorable Senator from Kentucky, that when the emancipationists of his State commenced their severe struggle, which was not unmarked with scenes of blood-I repeat it, sir, not unmarked with scenes of blood-they sent out a large number of printed documents for the purpose of upholding their cause, and among them was a speech from the honorable Senator from Kentucky, which was circulated in large numbers throughout the country free of all charge.

"Mr. Butler: I must be permitted to say, that while the honorable Senator from Kentucky may not have intended his proposition to have been a com

promise, with a view to accommodate Northern sentiment, it has had that effect and has been adopted at the North, with remarkable unanimity, as the basis of the final settlement of the slavery question, and well it may. His resolutions assert what can not be denied to the South, and recognize all that the North ever contended for. The resolutions referred to are not adapted

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to the danger of the crisis.""

During these entire discussions, Mr. Hale and Mr. Foote indulged in sallies of wit at each other's expense, amusing their brother Senators greatly, and, doubtless, enlivening the dull hours, and lightening the dark clouds of discord that hung so heavy above the political horizon.

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CHAPTER XII.

1850-Bell's Resolutions-Foote's Committee of Thirteen-Extract from Mr. Calhoun's last Speech-From Mr. Webster's Eloquent and Celebrated Speech of March 7th-Cass-Douglas-Foote-Mr. Calhoun's Death.

President Taylor was a most superior soldier, and a plain, blunt, honest man; but with no faculty for statesmanship whatever, he found himself between the upper and nether mill-stones of the two sections of his party, and hampered on every side by the opposite pledges that had been made for him by advocates of his election in the two different sections of the country. He appears, however, to have succumbed to some strong influence in favor of the sectional party of the North; and it was this, doubtless, that deprived his administration of much of the support which would, otherwise, have surely been given it.

He was severely catechized by Congress, and in a way which would seem to have been rather disrespectful. He was asked if he had appointed any governor to California-if he had sent any agent there to organize, or advise in organizing a State Government-how the delegates to the Convention, recently held there, were elected-if any census had been taken, and under what law, and by what authority? New Mexico, the sameand also what ground he had for the opinion that New Mexico would soon present herself for admission to the Union.

The President replied January 21, 1850-That he had left the department of California in the hands of the military commander (General Riley) appointed by his predecessor (Mr. Polk); that he had not authorized any agent to interfere with any elections-that while he re

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