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well known to every man throughout the land. hurried and imperious manner in which it was sent to the Committee of the Whole, under the spur of the previous question, without an opportunity of saying one word in reply-without the opportunity of asking a single question—is well known. When this act was done, then came the exultation of all the Federalists and Abolitionists, from one end of the country to the other, over the supposed death of the Kansas and Nebraska bill.

"What a change came over the spirit of those gentlemen, when they saw that bill quietly, without any ostentation, without any underhand, sneaking, or unmanly advantage, rescued from the oblivion to which they thought to have effectually consigned it! What their consternation when they heard a notice given here by a gentleman who had the matter in charge, that on a certain day he would move to take it up; and then heard him state the purpose of the motion which he would make!

"What then was the course of the opponents of this bill after it was extricated? Here we sat up for thirtysix hours in a parliamentary contest unprecedented almost in our legislative history.

"I do not know but that the physical endurance of that contest may have been a very great trial to some gentlemen, but to one who had gone through the drilling which I have, it was a source of infinite amusement. (Laughter.) Sir, thirty-six hours to a person who had slept in engine bunk houses, and gone through the 'coffee and cake shop' test, seeing who could sit up the latest and longest, it was a matter of refreshing amusement; while I saw those who were the loudest and most determined to sit it out, stretched out, and covered up with cloaks and shawls.

"And we have heard about the trumpet voice of the people.

"Sir, from whence come these trumpet-tones of the people of which gentlemen speak? Trumpet-tones!

They would be far better characterized as penny-whistle screeches. (Laughter.) I know the men who have figured in these meetings at the North. I knew them when they exhibited the same hostility to the annexation of Texas. Others, who have known them longer than I have, have known them in their opposition to every single solitary stride that the Democratic party has made in its onward march; every effort it has made to advance the prosperity and glory of this noble country; other men have known them in their inveterate opposition to every square inch or acre of territory which has been added to the Republic since the formation of the Government. And, sir, this opposition now comes from the same source. It comes from men whose object is to revolutionize the land. I know them-a set of peanut agitators and Peter Funk philanthropists. Revolutionize! Why, ten thousand of them could not revolutionize a barber shop or an oyster box. (Loud and prolonged laughter.) Now, gentlemen, this is no subject of laugh(Renewed laughter.)

ter.

"Whenever you hear of meetings called irrespective of party, it simply means a congregation of all the factions throughout the land, who hate and detest the success of the Democratic party. That is the whole sum and substance of it.

"A man can be a man of education without being drilled through college. It is far better to know the men among whom one lives, than to know of men who have been dead three thousand years. If I am deficient in classical lore, I am pretty well booked up in the rascality of the age in which we live. (Laughter.) It makes no odds how a man gets up to the roof of a house, whether he climbs by a ladder or goes up some other way. I would not barter away all the practical knowledge I have received in lumber and ship-yards for all the Latin that was ever spoken in ancient Rome. I had rather speak sense in one plain and expressive language, than speak nonsense in fifty. (Laughter.) Mr.

Chairman, how much time have I left, as that appears to be the standing question?" (Laughter).

Being passed as a House-bill, necessitated the return of the Kansas-Nebraska bill to the Senate for its concurrence.

May 24th, Mr. Douglas stated:

"It is sufficient to state that it is precisely the bill which passed the Senate some time ago, with the exception of the amendment adopted upon the motion of the Senator from Delaware (Mr. Clayton). It being the Senate bill, with that isolated exception, it presents no new issue, no new question, and I therefore ask that the Senate may proceed to vote upon it." 1

Mr. Pearce, however, proposed to renew the Clayton amendment-and a long debate ensued-which gave the opponents of the bill another chance to speak against it. Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, making a speech of great length. To whom Mr. Toombs responded:

"The Senator knows that attempts have been made to get up an excitement in this country on this subject. He knows that there are men who have lived upon its agitation, especially in the Northern portion of the Union-men whose political existence is staked on this agitation-whose desires and hopes can only be realized by inflaming the public mind against it, and defeating this measure. The Senator from Tennessee has become their ally, working to this purpose, aiding in the same result-to keep this prohibition on his own section, although high-minded, noble, generous and patriotic men of the North feel and see its injustice and labor for its overthrow. The distinguished Senator from Michigan (Mr. Cass) said it violated the Constitution of his country, and when the question was presented to him, he felt it to be his duty, for that reason, to wipe it from the statute-book. I did not vote for its repeal in order to get any advantage over any portion of this Republic. I 1 Cong. Globe, Vol. 28, p. 1300.

any State in this Union.

would scorn myself if I sought an unjust advantage of I claim no triumph over the I claim it a triumph of the

North; I would have none. Constitution, and of right, equality and justice to all the freemen of this great Republic, throughout its utmost limits, from ocean to ocean. I would ask nothing that I would not grant; I would take nothing from the people of the North that they ought not to yield; and therefore, do not consider this bill a triumph of the South against the North. Neither Northern right nor Southern honor is violated by this measure. It is a victory over error, injustice and wrong; a triumph of right, justice and the Constitution. For this triumph the whole country is certainly not less indebted to the genius, the eloquence, the statesmanship of the North than the South; and happy is it for the country that it was thus achieved. This great fact will spread far, and wide, and deep, a feeling of brotherhood throughout this great Republic, and even more than the act itself, tend to perpetuate that sacred bond of true liberty, equality and fraternity-the Constitution. This is my ardent desire, my earnest prayer.

991

The final vote was taken in the Senate on the 25th of May-and the Kansas-Nebraska bill was the second time victorious-passing by 33 to 13.

It was signed by President Pierce on the 30th, and so became the law of the land.

Cong. Globe, Vol. 28, p. 1311.

CHAPTER XXI.

After the Repeal-Historical mistakes in regard to it-Mr. Seward's alleged misstatement as to its origin and purpose-Hon. Montgomery Blair's letter to Mr. Secretary Welles-Henry C. Whitney's version-Letters from Hon. Robert L. Wilson and Thos. E. McCreeryMr. Dixon's letter to the St. Louis Republican denying Mr. Seward's statement contained in the Blair letter-Major Whitney's version shown to be incorrect and altogether illogical-Letter from Hon. John C. Bullitt.

The writer has endeavored to give a faithful and true account of the Missouri Compromise and its Repeal. A repeal which was designed by its author to carry out in good faith that great principle of non-intervention, which was established in the legislation of 1850.

A principle that had been advocated by Mr. Clay with all the force of his mighty intellect in 1820, when he opposed any restriction by Congress on Missouri, and said, "Equality is equity-if you have the right to compel Missouri to prohibit slavery, you have the same right to compel Maine to admit slavery."

A principle that was supported by the vote of the same great man, when, as Speaker, during the same session, he gave the deciding vote which prevented the prohibition of slavery by Congress in the Territory of Arkansas.

A principle maintained by Mr. Calhoun in his celebrated Resolutions of 1838, and which Franklin Pierce, then Senator from New Hampshire, voted for and sustained with marked ability.

A principle recommended by Mr. Polk in his last message to Congress, in 1848, as its best rule of conduct in regard to the newly acquired Mexican Territory.

A principle agreed on, in 1850, by Clay and Webster, Whigs, and Cass and Douglas, Democrats, as the only

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