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REPLY

TO AN ADDRESS FROM THE WORKINGMEN OF MANCHESTER,

ENGLAND.

I KNOW, and deeply deplore, the sufferings which the workingmen at Manchester, and in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis. It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to overthrow this Government, which was built upon the foundation of human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. Through the action of our disloyal citizens, the workingmen of Europe have been subjected to severe trials, for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt. Under these circumstances, I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism, which has not been surpassed in any age or in any country. is indeed an energetic and reinspiring assurance of the inherent power of truth, and of the ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity and freedom. I do not doubt that the sentiments you have expressed will be sustained by your great nation, and on the other hand I have no hesitation in assuring you that they will excite admiration, esteem, and the most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the American people. I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury, that, whatever else

It

REPLY TO AN ADDRESS.

259

may happen, whatever misfortune may befall your country or my own, the peace and friendship which now exists between the two nations will be, as it shall be my desire. to make them, perpetual.

JANUARY 19, 1863.

REMARKS

MADE TO SOME FRIENDS NEW YEARS EVENING, 1863, CON

CERNING THE PROCLAMATION.

THE signature looks a little tremulous, for my hand was tired, but my resolution was firm. I told them in September, if they did not return to their allegiance, and cease murdering our soldiers, I would strike at this pillar of their strength. And now the promise shall be kept, and not one word of it will I ever recall.

HORACE MAYNARD.

271

I

AM glad there is to be laid another block, perhaps I should say another course, upon the monument which the American people, year by year, are erecting to the memory of Abraham Lincoln. Every effort to perpetuate his name and make known his character engages my sympathy.

My personal acquaintance with Mr. Lincoln began shortly after his first inauguration as President of the United States. The perturbed condition of public affairs soon brought me much into his presence, and I saw more of him, by far, than is usual in the case of persons occupying places so widely apart. I have seen most of the great men of our country, my contemporaries, and have known them, more or less, it has so happened. It was easy to say Mr. Lincoln was the greatest of them all, but this would imperfectly express my conception of the truth. He was great in a different way from any other. He impressed me as no other man ever did. Never was the title Honest so expressive of character-honest not only in action and word, but also in thought and feeling and purpose. When he gave a reason for what he did, you felt instinctively that it was the real reason and not a mere attempt at justification. It was this profound truthfulness which gained for his words and actions the unquestioning confidence and support of the country.

Погии Месарите

KNOXVILLE, 1881.

FROM THE LETTER TO ERASTUS CORNING AND OTHERS,

JUNE 12, 1863.

MUST I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert? This is none the less injurious when effected by getting a father, or brother, or friend, into a public meeting, and there working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked administration of a contemptible government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall desert. I think that in such a case, to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a great mercy.

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