source, whence flowed the troubles and difficulties of that trying time. But in the second year of the second administration, a message was addressed to Congress, in which notions, in regard to foreign intercourse, are developed that were, we believe, as unexpected, as they ever will be considered of hazardous import and tendency. In different parts of this work we may appear to have spoken too fully and with too much emphasis of measures, touching our foreign relations, that were not accompanied with direct, obvious mischiefs; but we cannot separate the domestic from the foreign policy of the government, and, in our judgment, the mutilation, which the prevalence of such opinions will finally cause to the constitution itself, must prove fatal, for they will lay the broad, gradual foundations of a concentration and consolidation of power, that, the only barrier, now existing in the States, will be found, altogether, too feeble to resist. We confess as, upon all occasions of domestic policy, we should adhere to the fair, precise, plain text of the constitution, and admit neither gloss, commentary, nor interpolation, so, in regard to foreign relations, we trust the government will never be seduced by schemes of ambition, or prospects of immediate, temporary advantage, to embark upon this wide, unknown, dark, boisterous sea of alliances, political connexions, or confederacies, by whatever name, nature, or description called, or known. The message, to which we have alluded, was in these words: "Although it is very true, that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political system of Europe, but keep ourselves distinct and separate from it if we can; yet to effect this separation, early, punctual and continued information of the current chain of events and of the political projects in certain relations, is no less necessary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary in order to the discovery of the effects, made to draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparation against them. However we may consider ourselves, the maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider the United States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe, which can never be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but it would be doing wrong to one half of Europe, at least, if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is a natural policy for a nation, that studies to be neutral, to consult with other nations, engaged in the same studies and pursuitsat the same time, that measures ought to be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near expiring, may be renewed." The nomination, made in pursuance of the intimation, contained in this document, was confirmed by the Senate, and the necessary appropriation granted by the House; but in both bodies the measure was resisted with zeal and perseverance. A long debate arose in the House of Representatives on the foreign intercourse bill, involving a consideration of the expediency and necessity of this act. A general outline of the remarks of the speakers only has been preserved in the public prints of the day but we, certainly, are not able to reconcile the sentiments of the able men, who supported the administration, either with the precepts of a rigid, judicious and steady neutrality, or with the rules and maxims of government, now consecrated by the practice and example of Washington. From that period, party heat distorted and confused to some extent almost every discussion, still not a single expression of opinion, or political indication, of any sort has since been observed in the history of this nation, which can raise in the mind of a man (who will now calmly, impartially and carefully examine for himself) a reasonable doubt, both of the consequences of that measure to the administration of the second President, and of the broad, deep, mark of disapprobation, the American people have set upon that and every succeeding endeavour to expand the relations with foreign states beyond the precise bounds, that an honourable, matured and prosperous system of neutrality has firmly and distinctly adjusted." * Since Mr. Adams' second mission, the U. States, we believe, have had no diplomatic agent at Berlin. In 1819 Frederic Greuhm was accredited as a minister from Prussia, and at present that government is represented here by Mr. Niederstetter, a chargé d'affaires. VOL. I. 20 CHAPTER VI. TREATY OF 1794 WITH GREAT BRITAIN. Confederation no power over Commerce-Commercial conventions with France, Holland, Prussia and Sweden-No trade-Trade to England only important one-Depended on an annual act of Parliament-Policy at variance with Europe-Mr. Adams chosen to St. James—First envoy—Adams' address to King and the answer— - Well received-Notes with Lord Caermarthen-Presentation-England refused to make a treaty-Account of violations of treaty of '83Debts-Interest-Remarks on Navy and Commerce-Symptoms of war in Europe-Pass off-Inscription on gate at Cherson-Confederacy dissolved-Randolph's letter on state of Parties-Hammond, first envoy to this country-Morris-Pinckney—Origin of oppressive acts by belligerents-War between France and EnglandProvisions contraband-Rules of neutrality-Danger of a warExecutive appoints Mr. Jay to London—Jay's instructions-Decides question of neutrality—Concludes a treaty-Unpopular—Disturbances on account of treaty-Eventually favourable to the United States. THE United States, at the close of the war of 1783, had commercial treaties with France, Sweden and Holland, but no trade with either of those countries. The Congress of the confederation were not invested with power to regulate commerce, or to levy imposts, and a proposition, made to the states, authorizing the government to assess a duty of five per cent. ad valorem on imports, had been rejected. The confederacy was adopted for the purpose of carrying on the war, and was, in reality, adapted to few other purposes. The excitements of the contest and the necessity of securing their independence, supported the people in their hardships. But peace left them, if possible, with still greater hardships, and without a single circumstance of excitement. The ex ternal pressure, that alone had kept the states united, was removed; and at this juncture there appeared thirteen sovereign, independent governments, bound together nominally in one confederation, each entitled and equally qualified in its own capacity to assess taxes, to establish duties and rates of tonnage, and to open or forbid with each other or with foreign nations, every species of trade or intercourse. America, in a state of colonization, had been permitted to drive only a restricted commerce. The exports were limited to the parent country, and to the least valuable markets of Africa, of the south of Europe, and to the West Indies; though the articles termed in the navigation and subsequent acts, "enumerated commodities," were confined exclusively to Great Britain. The parallel of Cape Finisterre, the boundary of the trade to the north, entirely cut off France, Sweden and Holland; countries with whom, as we have said, America had commercial conventions, but no habits of interThe whole trade to Great Britain, her colonies and possessions, (altogether the only one of any value at that period) rested upon the precarious tenure of an annual act of Parliament. course. act. The course of trade, and of every description of communication with Europe, had formerly been that of a colony. And now become independent, the policy of America could in no way be made to follow in the same current with that of the nations, with whom she was brought immediately to Those countries were old and hardened in a system of exclusion and commercial proscription. They held colonies upon whom, according to the fashionable doctrines of the day, not yet entirely exploded, it was just and proper to impose restrictions for the purpose, to use the emphatic words of the preamble to the statute 15 Charles II. "of keeping them (the colonies) in a firmer dependence upon it (the mother country) and" rendering "them yet more beneficial and advantageous to it." On the other hand, the United States having no manufactures at home to protect, or foreign possessions, whose trade it was necessary to monopolize, found themselves at variance on every point with the systems of the European governments. In their earliest instructions, Congress recommended the adoption of a liberal scheme of commerce, a system now gradually introducing itself through the world, but at the time exceedingly disrelished and condemned by most of the writers on commerce, particularly Lord Sheffield, in a pamphlet, that attracted great notice. And, undoubtedly, without the alarm caused in the governments of Europe by the French revolution, that led them to consider every reform an innovation, we should already have had a much greater freedom of commercial, and, perhaps, also political institutions in the old world. The commercial regulations of these instructions of Congress of 1784 differ little from the doctrines of the armed neutrality, a short time before that period in high repute, but then falling into decay.* * The first administration under the constitution was disposed to maintain the same system. We shall quote a remarkable passage from a report of the Secretary of State for the year '92. "Instead of embarrassing commerce under piles of regulating laws, duties, and prohibitions, could it be relieved from all its shackles, in all parts of the world, could every country be employed in producing that, which nature has best fitted it to produce, and each be free to exchange with others mutual surpluses for mutual wants, the greatest mass possible would then be produced of those things, which contribute to human life and human happiness; the numbers of mankind would be increased, and their condition bettered, Would even a single nation begin with the United States this system of free commerce, it would be advisable to begin it with that nation; since it is one by one only, that it can be extended to all. Where the circumstances of either party render it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of impost on commerce, its freedom might be modified in that particular, by mutual and equivalent measures, preserving it entire in all others. Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce in all its extent, might still be willing to modify its restrictions and regulations for us, in proportion to the advantages, which an intercourse with us might offer. Particularly, they may concur with us in reciprocating the duties to be levied on each side, or in compensating any excess of duty by equivalent advantages of another nature. Our commerce is certainly of a character to entitle it to favour in most countries. The commodities we offer are either necessaries of life, or materials for manufacture, or convenient |