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of individual and national rights; for an efficient army and navy, for good harbors, lighthouses, coast defenses, and sundry fortifications. The great

arteries of interstate commerce and intercommunication must be kept open, not only by removing or surmounting natural obstacles, but by a prompt setting aside of those of discord and riot.

In short, the state's duty is to do what the private citizen can not or should not do; and is not to do what individual or private enterprise can and should do, for the contra of this course or policy tends to dwarf the citizen.

To draw correctly this line of distinction between public and private rights and duties requires learning, experience, judgment, moral perception and character, and tests the qualities of the statesman.

56. OBEDIENCE TO LAW.-Man's entire nature, physical and moral, is one of law; and the world in which he lives, as well as the universe around, exists and moves under the reign and guidance of law; included is his social nature, whence arise civil rights and duties. Law is everywhere, and in every part where law is, there must be obedience to it; else the constitution of nature, man inclusive, will come to nought-will quick end in destruction.

There is, then, a physical necessity for obedience to law, for without it nature would not exist; and there is a moral necessity for obedience, for selfpreservation is an instinct of all animate nature; and the preservation of whatever has value is a duty, and the discharge of duty is the highest good.

Indeed it was shown at the beginning that obedience is the ground-principle in morals— obedience to the Supreme, as the author of all law -hence, in general, obedience to law; specifically, obedience to the civil law.

The laws and customs of the state and of society, when based on the law of right or good morals, are then to be obeyed with alacrity, because they are right.

When indifferent as to morals, they must be obeyed because disobedience would result in confusion, and a habit of disobedience, in ruin. The law may not be a wise one, may not be a just one, but this does not excuse us from obedience when it is enforced. If the law is wrong, we are at liberty to endeavor to get it amended or repealed.

When, however, civil laws appear to be contra to moral law, the civil law may be obeyed under protest, and an appeal may be made to the courts, or the appeal may be made prior to compliance with the requirements of said law. Thus, in the case of a tax unjustly levied, the taxpayer may appeal to the judiciary for an injunction to restrain official proceedings for the enforcement of collection till the legal status of the tax can be determined.

But if the law be utterly repugnant to the subject's sense of right and conscience, then, rather than do wrong, it is better to receive with meekness the punishment-the penalty attached to the violation of said law.

Man is fallible, and his laws may be fallible— contra to the right. The only sure criterion of duty

is in obedience to God, to the moral law originating in the constitution of the Creator of all.

"Peter

We must obey the authority delegated by the social compact to our rulers, when we do not thereby disobey the universal law of right, the moral law necessarily and universally true-often called the Higher-law, or the law of the enlightened conscience, thus, when the high priest said to the disciples of Jesus: "Did not we straitly command you, that ye should not teach in this name?" and the other apostles answered and said, We ought to obey God rather than men." (Acts 5: 28, 29.) While obedience to civil law is in general imperative, and disobedience, under any circumstances, is to be deprecated, there must be a degree of flexibility-some concession on the part of the state to the right and conscience of the subject, else there is no place for individual self-respect and personal liberty.

Military law is necessarily more strict than civil law, and the death penalty is often attached to disobedience, for on strict obedience important results may depend; and the soldier who deserts his post, and the officer who disregards the orders of his superior is highly culpable.

57. THE DUTY OF INTEREST IN CIVIL AFFAIRS. "What is everybody's business is nobody's" is a common saying, and there is great danger of its being a true one in civil affairs. Each citizen has an interest in the common weal; when that suffers he individually suffers, and each one should cheerfully

contribute of his time and means in proportion to his ability and capability, to promote the general good, by needful and wise public measures and improvements; by an economic administration of public finance and material; by the enactment of just and wholesome laws, and a faithful execution of them.

Each citizen should attend to these duties not only on his own account, but on the ground of good-will, a desire to advance the interests of his fellow-citizens, as well as from a sentiment of public spirit and patriotism.

While each one has something to do, has the one talent to improve, there are always a few gifted in wisdom, executive ability, means and capability beyond their fellow-citizens in general. These are called the leading men, or the foremost men of the community or the State-the men providentially entrusted with ten talents, and to whom much is given, of them much is required.

These foremost men should feel, and to the credit of human nature, generally do feel willing to serve for the good of all, in positions of honor rather than of pecuniary profit; so all should gladly do what they ought and can to sustain the willing leader.

As an illustrious example of this devotion to duty, take that of James Otis, who first manifested his patriotism when, to the sacrifice of private interests, he, at the call of duty, intrepidly argued, with clear logic and electric eloquence, against the "Writs of Assistance," by which old England would enforce her trade laws, collect duties of the

Americans on the goods she sold them—all which acts Otis characterized as "taxation without representation," and as an expenditure of public money without appropriation by the representatives of the people who paid the money, and hence as unconstitutional acts.

He foresaw the injustice and evil that would come, not from anything already suffered by the colonists, but from the false principle involved, and certain to work mischief.

58. SUFFRAGE-A CONDITIONAL RIGHT.-The right to vote should depend on capability and interest-these to be determined by the intellectual and moral fitness of the voter to understand the question to be voted on, and his relation to it or interest in it.

Thus, if it be a question about the construction or repair of a public road, all persons taxed to make or repair it might have right to vote upon it; so as to district-school educational questions and all questions voted upon. It is the man rightfully interested that has right to vote.

Hence the elective franchise is not a natural right, but a privilege granted by the state in consideration of value received by the state from the individual, and hence the ethic of it is in a "quid pro quo," and the extent of qualification and service on the part of the individual should be carefully determined. The principle demands that there shall be a real interest in the weal of the state.

This interest may be taken for granted where there

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