Anarchy and some secret societies tend to like results, and are of a treasonable character.

A lawful union or combination becomes unlawful when by its acts the rights of others are invaded; it is then a conspiracy. "An officer may throw up his commission when he likes, but if a number of officers combine to throw up their commissions at the same time, it is a punishable act."

Other evils of the labor union in late years are: (1) The employer has no free choice in hiring men, and is oppressed by a "strike," ordered when heavy contracts are in hand; (2) injustice, by ranking the indolent and unskilled with the honest laborer; (3) tyranny and oppression towards apprentices; (4) intimidation and abuse of workmen not in the union; (5) intimidation of capitalists, and so industries are driven to other places and countries, and the very source of their own living is dried up; (6) the violent and criminal in the union fearfully championed; (7) the home and family circle neglected; (8) destructiveness and lawlessness an habitual pastime.

89. THE SUM AND THE MORAL.-The sum and the moral of it is that liberty and free institutions are endangered by overgrown organizations, and that they have no right to exist under conditions hostile to the public good, and so a menace to the peace and dignity of the state.

The ignorant and the evil minded imagine that free institutions are established to favor oppression, lawlessness, anarchy; and for them not only mis

sionary work is in order, but severe law, if need be, to disabuse them of ideas so contradictory and mischievous. Moral suasion will educate and civilize the well-disposed, but not those whose good-will, weak by nature, has been spoiled by bad training, bad company and had counsel.

These can be made wise only according to Proverbs 26:3: "A whip for the horse, a bridle for the ass, and a rod for the fool's back."

If capital and labor cannot walk together in unity, then let us have the health, peace and happiness there is in the poverty of small affairs and economic living, each in the measure of his fitness and ability, and so let there be a due limit set by law to capital and to labor centralization. Two other suggestions and we close.

Suggestion 1. That as unions of either capital or labor have legal existence only perforce of legislation, general or special, and in conformity to what is just and right, there should be a court of appeal for the settlement of all questions between capital and labor--but not to include cases wherein the capital is comparatively small, and the men employed few in number. Let these take care of themselves on the general law of supply and demand. The extent of the limitation is not so important as the fact. The condition might apply to a capital of $500,000, and to an employment of five hundred men. It is the large corporations or trusts that are abnormal and oppressive, and it is where large numbers of men are employed by one corporation that it becomes a hardship to be thrown out of employment,

whether it be by their own error or by that of the employer.

Suggestion 2. That co-operative work is practicable and successful when engaged in by honest, capable men--and no business succeeds without these quali.ications in the management. Let the strike take this form when capitalists refuse justice to the employed.

Let laborers become capitalists by pooling their savings. "Many a little makes a mickle."

If men individually and collectively have not faith for this departure, then let them be content with their wages--such as they can obtain in virtue of good work, and without resort to unjustifiable, arbitrary measures.

90.

PUBLIC EDUCATION (note).-It has already been indicated that this education should be in the inculcation of true principles of liberty, individual, religious, civil and political, to secure the true qualities of a good citizen, which can be found only in enlightened moral, religious manhood-in a knowledge of those branches of philosophy, science and art that directly tend to educate the people for general usefulness, and in true ideas of liberty and patriotism.

This proposition, as stated in general terms, all admit; but when we come to particulars, there are diverse voices. For instance: Archbishop Ireland read before the National Educational Association convened (July, 1890) at St. Paul, Minn., a paper on Religious Education in Schools," which contained

many timely truths. Some of his valuable words as reported read thus:

"The State must come forward as an agent of instruction, else ignorance will prevail. Indeed, in the absence of state action, there never was that universal instruction which we have so nearly attained, and which we deem necessary.”

"There is dissatisfaction with the state school as at present organized. The state school, it is said, tends to the elimination of religion from the minds and hearts of the youth of the country. The great mass of the children receive no fireside lessons, and attend no Sunday-school, and the great mass of the children of America are growing up without religion."

"Do not say that the state school teaches morals, christians demand religion. Morals, without the positive principles of religion, giving to them root and sap, do not exist.”

These, and many similar utterances which our limited space excludes, well indicate the defects in moral and religious education which it is the main object of this volume to remove.

As to the objection of this eminent prelate to religious instruction in the public-school, on the ground that it would not have the stamp of catholicity, and on the ground of conscience scruples-it is not in the province of this book to regard these matters, except to refer the reader to the consideration of the function of the conscience as herein and as generally held-its authority and its limitations from liability to error, through ignorance, perversity and a one-sided education, and that the religious conscience can have no standing in its claim for reverential regard save when it is grounded upon the moral conscience. Otherwise the religious conscience plea is liable to be carried to an abusive

extent. It was against the religious conscience of Robert Morris to fight an enemy, yet he gladly gave to his country the aid of his great ability in providing the sinews of war.

Further, we point to the ground-principle in this volume-to the doctrine of necessary and universal thought in religion-in christianity-in morals and other science, as a "stamp of catholicity" upon the very substance of religion, to wit, conviction of sin, faith in God's provision for man's redemption, hope and joy in the appropriation of it, eventuating in good works. Let the scholar study into this substance and possess it, if he will; then can each array truth in such raiment of ritual, church polity and creed, as his own observation and the social and church influence he is in contact with, may approve. Nor will men who are self-satisfied, and see no need of Divine aid to improve their situation, stand in the way of a scientific and logical investigation, and so act the part of the dog in the manger-neither eat hay nor let the ox eat it.

The State of Wisconsin has spent a sum of money in trying to determine the proper way of cutting a seed potato to give the best results. After all experimenting, the official in charge could only say that at times the longitudinal cut, or the transverse, or the clip of the eye-end, or even the potato planted whole would do best; it depended much on the soil and the spell of weather. Of one thing, however, the farmer might be sure to insure a good crop, the potato-slip with not less than one good,