secure the love of sympathizing democracies throughout the world; such is he who must be selected by the Convention as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. To put forward any other would be simply to invoke ruin, to fling the nation again to the certainty of misrule by the Whigs, or of disruption by the factionists of the North; to revive agitation when the nation needs all its domestic strength for exterior action, and to renew the "unionism" and sham "conservatism" at home, and the impotence and servility abroad, which for years has disgraced the character of our Republicanism, and of our nationality." (Dem. Review, Jan., 1852.) Much has been of course omitted in our brief review of the last thirty years. Our object has been to arrive, as soon as practicable, without the omission of any necessary truth or fact, at a period when the succession of events is prominently before the people. With this we have now every thing to do, and as chroniclers of the times we desire to refer rather to the necessities than the men of the times. But as men are the immediate instruments, and tools of Providence, it would be the gravest of errors to leave them out of the calculation of Democratic influences to be exerted upon the future. The election of 1852, unparalleled as it was in its unanimity of selection, left its choice environed by elements of destruction. Prominent amongst these were those who desired, or connived at the acquisition of Cuba by direct or indirect means. In the history of these adventurers the Fillmore administration was most prolific. Add to these exciting causes, the European Revolutions of 1848-49, the consequent immigration or exile to the United States of many patriots or mere pretenders to the character; the sympathy naturally felt by our people for them; the unfortunate expedition to Cuba, and the sacrifice of many misguided but noble spirits in cold blood on the altar of Spanish terror and revenge: and it will not appear strange that the incoming administration should be required to recognize the claims of Cubans, Hungarians—in short, of a world laboring in the throes of revolution-to the protection of our government. It was not strange that where sympathy for liberty was warmest, it should demand the most positive support. Nor was it anomalous that the campaign of '52 should turn upon these issues; nor that doctrines founded upon the principles of the Monroe policy should exert a formidable influence upon the contest. The country was but just recovering from an agitation which had shaken it to its centre. The compromise measures had restored peace and harmony(?) The exodus from the old world began to arouse public attention. A germ of disruption and anarchy existed upon our own soil. Repudiation of the government was openly advo cated. Abolitionism grew rampant for the queerest of causes, namely, because the example of stable republican institutions on this continent was impregnating the world with ideas of freedom. The venerable General Scott must be set up as a champion for the amiable purpose of nullifying the most sacred compacts of our Union. The signers of the Declaration, the men of the first age of the Republic had seen no necessity to legislate about slavery. A social matter, they left it to the care of the society interested in it. But legislation had become necessary for the present time, and the preservation of the compact of confederation. Did that legislation confine itself to preserving to the citizen his vested rights? No! It went beyond that. It established geographical lines and limits within which a portion of the citizens of the Republic were deprived of every right either of property or person. Was it not natural that to the issue of the election of '52 the conservative element of the nation should look for the redemption of the common domain from the waste of fanaticism, bigotry, and intolerance? Were not high hopes excited? And in such hopes did not men forget the fame of the soldier, shut their eyes to "all the pomp and circumstance of glorious war," and assist in the elevation of the Democratic principle and party, in the person of its standard-bearer, Franklin Pierce? Such was indeed the fact; and we are compelled to admit that but half these expectations has been realized. An honorable, upright, and just administration of our government has resulted from the firmness, decision, and integrity of Mr. Pierce's administration. It can be fairly claimed for it, and history will indorse the claim, that more good has and will come out of it, than out of all the Federal administrations, that is, administrations controlled by the Federal-Whig party, which have preceded it. In future times the principle of the Nebraska-Kansas act will be one of the brightest gems displayed at every new Democratic coronation. Let us set it here in little: "Congress has no authority to interfere in the matter of slavery, or in its treatment within the States; it remaining with the several States to provide any regulations within themselves which humanity and true policy may require." Upon this subject, therefore, Congress has no power to legislate. It can neither create nor forbid slavery in State or Territory. The right of self-government is a vested right of every citizen, and, by parity of reasoning, the supreme right of the States and Territories. The administration, in adopting the Nebraska-Kansas Bill, restored the government to the position it occupied prior to the acts of 1819-20. This, therefore, is our true position. We are now where we should have been years ago. Harmony and quiet can only be secured, and intolerance and fanaticism checkmated-by compelling the admission of the principle-the simple reässertion that the people are capable of self-government. What is true of the whole is true of all its parts. That principle admitted, we stand where "we were," and always must and should be, by the very constitution and organic conditions of our party existence-upon the true conservative national platform. The admission of Kansas and Nebraska as territories, has fastened public attention upon the question of self-government in a peculiar manner. It has stripped from Abolitionism its cloak of duplicity; and as upon this foundation our nationality rests, by its thorough acceptation alone can our preservation be assured and our compact of union preserved. To the present administration belongs the Democratic triumph of recovering for the people of the Union the very citadel of their original rights. It is not our province to play the eulogist of any administration. We eulogize the act as an enduring triumph of Democratic power and principle. Administrations change; Democracy is eternal. With all the "prestige" thrown around the present administration, there have been disappointments, and consequent defections from the ranks of the Democratic army. It has been asserted, but it has not been proved, that it has deviated from its faith, or failed as the exponent of Democratic sentiment. To-day we approach the most exciting campaign in the history of national politics. Not only must the Democratic party wage war against a common and notorious enemy, in the combined forces of Whig and Know-Nothing; but Black Republicanism, a hybrid, hydra-headed, projects its gloomy shadow along its path. The question, To whom shall the standard of the Democracy be intrusted in 1856? is far less material than to secure a pure representative of its principles, a man "sans peur et sans reproche." The decision lies with the Convention at Cincinnati; but that Convention must be true to itself and to the nation. Every State has a favorite: but one can be taken. Let his claim to selection be based upon his honor, his integrity, and the clearness of his record for National Democracy, and unshaken fidelity to the Constitution and the law! Let us have neither a craven, a trimmer, nor a spoilsman. Let us have none with falsehood upon the lip, and treachery at heart. Let us have none, who in the execution of official duty, acknowledges any "higher law," than the Constitution he swears to defend, support, and execute. We demand from them a man whose firmness in the hour of danger shall be heroic; a man just in the exercise of power; a man capable of opposing to fanaticism and faction, a heart of truth-a will of iron. Give us such a man, agreed by the common consent of all good citizens to stand thus clear for the great office, and we shall be safe in victory, and satisfied in defeat-since he can not be defeated but by a combination of evil elements, whose very nature will preclude a lasting co-partnership in evil. The probabilities of our success are very strong. KnowNothings, Whigs, Black Republicans, will present a crowd of candidates. A vast majority of the people abhor the first. The vitality of the second has departed-it is buried with Webster and with Clay. The chances of the last are as remote, as the dissolution of the Union is near to their success. If the conservative masses rally at all, they must close around the standard of the Democracy. We look with confidence to the action of the National Convention. Its lesson is thoroughly taught it by the events of the last two years. Individual preferences must not distract it. Sectional prejudice must be banished. Unanimity of purpose, and concert of action, must occupy all their attention; it must be attained, no matter at what sacrifice of private interest or predilection. It must take bold and open ground against the opponents of law-whether made for the protection of the citizen, in his person, property, or rights of conscience. Asserting, in unmistakable terms, the rights of self-government; rebuking the dangerous schemes of enthusiastic adventurers; adhering to a sound foreign policy; a strict account ability to the people; an economical administration of the government; enforcing universal respect for our flag on every sea; and compelling the non-intervention of foreign states in American policy in the western world. These principles must make up its record. Upon this platform, and upon no other, will success be certain. Be the Convention's selection who he may, upon this, he must and will be supported by the whole Democracy of the Union, without reference to previous disputes, affiliations, or predilections. The nation demands it. The conservative element of the Republic, THE PEOPLE, will it. Peace, prosperity, and progress will attend it. The "experiment of self-government" has been successful for three quarters of a century; it remains for the Democracy to make it, for all time, "firm as the marble-founded as the rock." T. A. G. |