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suffragist, and it is most certainly not true ment should be carried, the government of me. My home life and relations have would disclaim responsibility for the bill. been as nearly ideal as possible in this im- The amendment was submitted nevertheperfect world. About a year after my mar- less, but Mr. Gladstone would not allow riage my daughter Christabel was born, it to be freely discussed, and he ordered and in another eighteen months my second Liberal members to vote against it. What daughter Sylvia came. Three other chil- we call a whip was sent out against dren followed, and for some years I was it, a note virtually commanding party rather deeply immersed in my domestic members to be on hand at a certain hour affairs.

to vote against the women's amendment. I was never so absorbed with home and Undismayed, the women tried to have an children, however, that I lost interest in independent suffrage bill introduced, but community affairs. Dr. Pankhurst did not Mr. Gladstone so arranged Parliamentary desire that I should turn myself into a house- business that the bill never even came up hold machine. It was his firm belief that for discussion. society as well as the family stands in need of women's services. So while my children

How Gladstone Side-tracked Suffrage were still in their cradles I was serving on I am not going to write a history of the the executive committee of the Women's woman-suffrage movement in England prior Suffrage Society, and also on the executive to 1903, when the Woman's Social and board of the committee which was working Political Union was organized. That histo secure the Married Women's Property tory is full of repetitions of just such stories Act. This act having passed in 1882, I threw as the one I have related. Gladstone was myself into the suffrage work with renewed an implacable foe of woman suffrage. He energy. A new Reform Act, known as the believed that women's work and politics County Franchise Bill, extending the suf- lay in service to men's parties. One of frage to farm laborers, was under discus- the shrewdest acts of Mr. Gladstone's sion, and we believed that our years of edu- career was his disruption of the suffrage cational propaganda work had prepared the organization in England. He accomplished country to support us in a demand for a wo- this by substituting "something just as man-suffrage amendment to the bill. For good," that something being Women's Libseveral years we had been holding the most eral Associations. Beginning in 1881 in splendid meetings in cities all over the king- Bristol, these associations spread rapidly dom. The crowds, the enthusiasm, the through the country and, in 1887, became a generous response to appeals for support, National Women's Liberal Federation. The all these seemed to justify us in our belief promise of the Federation was that by allythat woman suffrage was near. In fact, in ing themselves with men in party politics, 1884, when the County Franchise Bill came women would soon earn the right to vote. before the country, we had an actual ma- Theavidity with which the women swallowed jority in favor of suffrage in the House of this promise, left off working for themselves, Commons.

and threw themselves into the men's work The Beginning of Rebuffs

was amazing.

The Women's Liberal Federation is an But a favorable majority in the House of organization of women who believe in the Commons by no means insures the success principles of the Liberal party. (The someof any measure. I shall explain this at what older Primrose League is a similar length when I come to our work of opposing organization of women who adhere to Concandidates who have avowed themselves servative party principles.) Neither of suffragists, a course which has greatly puz- these organizations had woman suffrage for zled our American friends. The Liberal its object. They came into existence to party was in power in 1884, and a great uphold party ideas and to work for the memorial was sent to the prime minister, election of party candidates. the Right Honorable William E. Gladstone, I am told that women in America have asking that a woman-suffrage amendment recently allied themselves with political to the County Franchise Bill be submitted parties, believing, just as we did, that to the free and unbiased consideration of such action would break down opposition the House. Mr. Gladstone curtly refused, to suffrage by showing the men that declaring that if a woman-suffrage amend- women possess political ability, and that

[graphic]

Society, and I had considerable
faith in the permeating powers
of its mild socialism. But I
was already fairly convinced of
the futility of trusting to politi-
cal parties. Even as a child
I had begun to wonder at the
naïve faith of party members
in the promises of their leaders.
I well remember my father
returning home from political
meetings, his face aglow with
enthusiasm. "What happened,
father?" I would ask, and he
would reply triumphantly, “Ah!
We passed the resolution."

“Then you'll get your meas-
ure through the next session,"
I predicted

“I won't say that,” was the usual reply. “Things don't always move as quickly as that. But we passed the resolution."

Well, the suffra

gists, when they

Christabel Pankhurst, editor of “The Suffragette" and author of "Plain Facts About a Great Evil"

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politics is work for

"Often I have heard

who women as well as

normal outlet for their men. Let them not

soured and disappointed be deceived. I can

not true of any suffra

not true of me. My assure the Amer

been as nearly ideal as ican women that our long alliance with the great parties, our devotion to party programs, our faithful work at elections, never advanced the suffrage cause one step. The men accepted the services of the women, but they never offered any kind of payment.

As far as I am concerned, I did not delude myself with any false hopes in the matter. I was present when the Women's Liberal Federation came into existence. Mrs. Gladstone presided, offering the meeting many consolatory words for the absence of “our great leader,” Mr. Gladstone, who of course had no time to waste or a gathering of women. At Mrs. Jacob Bright's request I joined the Federation. At this stage of my development

The next instalment of Mrs. Pankhurst's autobiography, The

12

[graphic]

Women's Liberal Federation must have felt that they had passed their resolution. They settled down to work for the party and to prove that they were as capable of voting as the recently enfranchised farm laborers. Of course a few women remained loyal to suffrage. They began again on the old educational lines to work for the cause. Not one woman took counsel with herself as to how and why the agricultural laborers won their franchise. They had won it, as a matter of fact, by burning hay-ricks, rioting, and

These picotherwise demonstrating their

tures of Mrs.

Pankhurst strength in the only way that

and ChrisEnglish politicians can under

tabel are typistand. The threat to march

cal. "Just like you and

when about their a hundred thousand men

daily business, they are to the House of Com

tremendously in earnmons unless the bill

est when on “the firing

line" in the suffrage battle the taunt that suffragigts

was passed played have failed to find any emotions, and are therefore

its part also in sebeings. This is probably

curing the agriculgist, and it is most certainly home life and relations have

tural laborer his possible in this imperfect world"

political freedom. But no woman suffragist noticed that. As for myself, I was too young politically to learn the lesson then. I had to go through years of public work before I acquired the experience and the wisdom to know how to wring concessions from the English government. I had to hold public office. I had to go behind the scenes in the government schools, in the workhouses and other charitable institutions; I had to get a closehand view of the misery and unhappiness of a man-made world, before I reached the point where I could successfully revolt against it. It was almost immediately after the collapse

of the woman-suffrage movement in 1884

that I entered upon this new phase of my career. Making of a Militant, will

appear in the February issue

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13

[graphic][subsumed][subsumed]

Perhaps it is true that the hold of a good woman on a bad man is the one hold he can-
not shake off. If it is, this is true also--that the purifying force in the love the man
feels for her has little to do with the desire in her breast for his reform-it comes, in
glory and in mystery, from love itself. Mrs. Harris, with her amazing independence, her
startling trenchancy, and her humor like a faun's, tells a story which brings this home

a

By Corra Harris

Author of "A Circuit Rider's Wife," "Ere's Second Husband," etc,

Illustrated by Gayle Hoskins

A

RDEN is a little village in the foot- session. Tom Bowman knows every fish

hills of the Blue Ridge Moun- ing-hole for twenty miles, and neglects tains, a mere eddy of brown his cornfield for the more profitable busi

weather - beaten cottages around ness of guiding foreign guests on fishing the open Square, as if long ago some strong trips. Oliver Beasley, the old, fat, baldwind of destiny whirled the human sedi- headed, whisker-hidden merchant of Arden, ment of the valley together in that place. keeps an assortment of deadly sweetmeats.

The inhabitants are divided strictly into which he sells at an enormous profit. And two classes, both by their gender and by their Berryman Agnew is the secret agent for Locharacter. The women are good, indus- gan Hawk's still. Any cocktail-drinking trious, and shrewishly unhappy. The men son of the city might walk out upon the are not good nor industrious, but they enjoy veranda, whistle twice, wink at the courtlife. There are many children, all ragged, house, and immediately Berryman would barefooted, and healthy. The stranger descend from some dark corner of it and wonders how they are fed, how any of the deliver a quart of “dew." people subsist without visible means of Such a community never produces a support.

great man, rarely a good one. But almost A very large hotel standing upon the sides without fail, every village of this character of the mountain above the town is the in the Southern mountains has its “bad” answer to this question. From the first of man, a man in whom evil has become a June to the end of October it is filled with power and a distinction. Logan Hawk summer boarders, rich people from the cities was this man in Arden County. If there North and South, who are drawn to this had been a contest to determine by popular place because of the keen frosty air, a cer- vote who was the most lawless citizen, he tain mineral spring, and because the trout- would have been chosen without a dissentfishing is remarkably good.

ing voice. The fact is, no man would have The women of Arden find a ready sale dared cast a vote against him, for he was for their butter, eggs, chickens, and gar- proud of his fame and determined to main

“ den-truck” at the back door of the hotel. tain it. The front veranda is also a market where He was a bachelor, nearly forty years of they dispose of “crochet," knitted coverlets, age, and appeared to be barely thirty. and every kind of needlework. The men of He was very tall, with broad shoulders and Arden become guides, taking camping par

saddle-bowed legs. His head was heroic, his ties to hunt or fish. They furnish wildcat face long, dark, and keen, sardonic, as if whiskey and perform all the doubtful ser- he carried a lifted sword in his smile. His vices which respectable citizens require hair was black, thick, and straight as an when they are away on their vacations. Indian's. His nose sneered, being lifted Pinkerton Britt, the one attorney in the at the corners of each nostril by the smile. village, gives entertainments in the parlor, He was always clean shaven, and his chin and earns more money mimicking the pressed forward to meet you. When he rewhanging eloquence of mountain preachers garded you with his deep-set, humorous eyes, than he does from the practice of his pro- you inferred at once that if this man had

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