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Rouffeau's philofophy in thieving Voltaire's fine defcription of Rouffeau's philofophy-now the philofophy of France

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Merchants, bankers, and farmers, arrested, their property confifcated, and many of themselves guillotined 143 worthy magiftrate of St. Denys cruelty butchered, because he would not, at his own expence, lower the price of bread The plunderers' and murderers mode of gutting houses, &c. their treatment of the nuns, and their facrileges 145 Dr. Moore's religious philofophy overturned by a French proteftant clergyman

The atheift Condorcet's cruelties to the women and children

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INTRODUCTION.

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awful fuch a work as this must be found of great public utility, efpecially among the lower, and even among the middling claffes. For from the following body of facts, collected with great care and fidelity, two very important truths will appear; namely, that if we continue united, no fuccefsful invafion can take place; and that were we to be difunited, and invite or allow a great landing of the French, we would render ourselves fubject to every cruelty and oppreffion that can make life a burden, instead of being a bleffing to each loyal and free Briton.

In the first part of this work, containing a narrative of all the invafions, and attemps at invafion, from the time of Julius Cæfar till the late futile attempt on Wales, it will be feen that whenever any invafions were fuccefsful, it was owing either to treacherous faction in the country; or to a fuppofed right, as in the cafe of William of Normandy; or to a plundering fpirit, as in the cafe of the wandering Danes and Norwegians; or to the impolicy of calling in the aid of foreigners, as in the cafe of the Saxons. The latter was owing to the great want of all military skill and even fpirit, which the Britons were deprived of by the Romans, who always fent the flower of their youth to recruit their foreign legions, while they ftrictly prohibited the reft of the natives from the ufe of arms.

In treating of the hiftorical part of invafions, which we shall do briefly, but diftinctly, a truth of very material confequence will be unfolded; that Great Britain could never difplay one third of the naval difciplined ftrength that can be done at this moment; and that France had never lefs power to fucceed in a conqueft of the British empire, from an almoft total want of warlike shipping, to cover a great defcent, than now. For the French navy, notwithstanding its being aided by Holland, Venice, and even Spain, is in a much worfe fate in the year 1798, than it was even in the year 1758 and 1759, when it it was certainly fo reduced that it could neither face the English fea, nor furnifh proper convoys for her own commerce. Yet at that time,like now, they menaced Great Britain with an invafion, by affeming troops on the coaft; by collecting tranfports; by building f bottomed boats; and by equipping feveral hips of war for the

tended expedition. But this was little more than a scheme to diftrefs the administration, to intimidate the people, to depreciate the national credit, and, if poffible, to excite difcontent at home, flattering themfelves that it would foon again terminate in another rebellion.

Invafion being very properly the topic of general converfation at the prefent moment, it becomes the duty of every citizen feriously to confider what advantages or difadvantages would accrue to Great Britain, were the French Republic to obtain the conqueft, or even the political afcendancy over this country. To enquire minutely, and decide properly, we muft nicely and juftly weigh the benefits we receive under our prefent form of government, with thofe that we would receive, by joining the French, on their landing, and aiding them in the overthrow of our conftitution.

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Nothing is more natural or more laudable in man, than an endea vour to better his condition. It is very properly the prevailing prinple of all human actions, and of all human wifhes. Conftantly in fearch of the temple of happiness, by every avenue, no wonder he fo often mistakes his road, and dies at length in his vain purfuit: yet, although he never arrives at that temple, which is always in his view; if he be prudent in picking out his fteps, he will difcover many pleafant refting-places on the road, which will afford him much fatisfaction. The purfuits of the focial body being fimilar to thofe of the individual, namely, in a conftant fearch after wealth, eafe, freedom, and fecurity, the former are as often bewildered in their choice of the true road as the latter; especially if they begin to defpife the fafe and beaten path of their forefathers, and prefer the bewitching labyrinth of an infane guide, to the old and fafe thoroughfare of their wife and provident ancestors.

As this is the mode with fome inconfiderate Britons, who imagine that the French are now more free and happy than we are, let us briefly examine in what this fuperior freedom confifts. Is it in the fecurity of their property? No property is fo infecure as in France, where every one is liable to the daily confifcations of their government, as well as the nightly plunder of individuals, without any hopes of redrefs! Is it in the freedom of their perfons? In no defpotic government on earth, was there ever lefs perfonal liberty than in France, where every man is liable to be fent to the armies, or to a prifon, or to a French Botany Bay, in South America, called Guayana, at the mere will of the Directory! Then in what does the fuperior freedom confift? In only having the power to butcher and plunder one another, with an almoft certainty of impunity; and to commit every immoral act which does not militate against the intereft of the Directory! But, what a beautiful contraft to this lintious freedom does Great Britain exhibit! Here, where the proof all, and where the perfons of all, are facred; and where