calcu- 'the combined armies from rem. Thus our confeffion that we and we should have no right to

which he looked upon to be negotiated from neceflity on our moleft them until they actually be- after most fatal event that bede would according

to the dif- gan hoftilities, Agreeable to this me of happened.

position we were pleased to give law of nations, we find every other a bally,

If he were to be asked, where the French, juftify any act on civilised state had invariably acted. pari

: he would fubmit to an eni, theirs. We thall have given to a The mouth of the Scheldt, thereFrost , wait for a neceflity

, he was nelicious disposition the highest fore, he contended, being between ed by quite sure that he would not mit

posible provocation, and must bear the banks of Holland, gave them, from for compulfion, and take that he die effect. In reply to the Maf- under the law of nature and nathis juftification. That Great Biter of the Rolls, he stated that there tions, a most incontrovertible right from should be the firft country we were ambassadors at Paris from le- to the exclusive poffeffion of that that lets shocked with mafacere

everal of the European powers. He river as far as their banks extendatter murder! That the thould be then proceeded to argue on the ed; but, independent of general bruc first country to evince a wafubject of the Scheldt, and depre- doctrine, that right has been reng of feeling, filled him with abgelated it as a cause of war; and af- peatedly acknowledged and ratified e can and with horror ! That the

iter speaking of alarms, riots and in- by express treaty with the loves we be the first to preclude herself furređions in a strain of ludicrous reign power of that country, which ings. forming a part of any confede observation, he declared his high alone could have any pretence to tion, was disgraceful

! If fologinion of Mr. Fox, and that while interfere. As well might France that fion to France must be the ces that gentleman was the leader of interpose, therefore, between the

re- quence, necetlity thould fif their party, he should never def- Spaniards and English, relative to nce, tify that submission. Well dot pair of his country.

the regulations of the navigation eri. House know, that no inquiry cold

Mr.Grant opposed the motion be- of the river Mislitsippi in America. , by be made into the origin of gover for the House. All the celebrated Their interference relative to the the ments ; the greater the fpar r writers on the law of nations, he Scheldt thews no less arrogance very time, therefore

, that elapsed in kid, kad laid it down as a clear and and injustice, than a rooted cono be that origin, the smaller was indubitable principle of propriety, tempt of existing order and moral han crime incurred. Evils, by na that rivers belonged to those who obligation. Belide, why should we duce time, become less; by time de

inhabited their banks, just as far, send an ambassador to France, tion government of France might is and no farther, than those banks when the subject matter of contenfor come less shocking, and leiswidie extended. If the banks belonged tion lay between our allies, the of Mr. Whitbread made fome y

to different people, then the domi- Dutch, and Brabant. The French ould neral observations on the propria nion over the river was divided, had not conquered the Netherlands, om of the motion, and then proceed esch people poffeffing the part that by their own declaration; they had vers to observe, on the doubt exprchid was contiguous to their domain; only restored the sovereignty of the dent by Mr. Windham, whether and fuch was the policy of this people. Shall France be fuffered,

of thould prefer the hazard of an vi duiribution, that if it had not therefore, to arrogate to itself the hole from future compulsion, or receive les fo laid down by the ableft umpirage of all disputes in Europe? nce, it by immediate fubmifion. "Ta waters on the law of nations, it The reitless, meddling difpofitiou

of hon. gentleman has said, that t muld have been a positive ftipula- of that country, which an honourble would be a degradation for us to tum indispensably neceffary under able gentleman had declared was so ub- negotiate with the French at pr the law of nations, for without it long the scourge of mankind under the fent; but that the time mighter: Do ftate could be secure. If the the despotism of its crown, seemed 19. when neceflity would compel as twarle of rivers was, as is contend- now no less disposed to blatt the le- What then did we lay to the d by the French, as open and happiness of man under the sti}l ure French by this? You are a pared

ucamon to mankind as the sea it- more wild and unlimited despotism uch of aflaflins, but if you afikos felf, a fleet of French and Spa- of the people. If France by lur.. trust negotiate with párds might fail up the Thames, prife had seized on Portfnwuth, or

any

any other of our harbours, or had negotiation with France, confider.
declared its intention of doing so, ing it in the character of a federal
would Englifhmen condescend to treaty with a foreign power : but
send an ambalador to negotiate? in a domestic view, it struck him
They have declared publicly their rather as a commercial treaty for
intention of unjustly invading the the more casy and ready import of
rights of our allies; and their plots and treasons. When the duke
rights, while faith and honour re- of Brunswick, he said, fent to ne-
mained in England, were the rights gotiate during his retreat, the
of Englishmen. What is there to haughty answer was that of the
negotiate? The French admit the Roman to Pyrrhus: “ We will not
sublisting treaties, but deny their treat whilst you are in our coun-
force. Instead of a statesman, you try.” Are we prepared for an an-
should send a profeffor of caluistry, swer of fimilar import? Are we
Nothing remained for inquiry but prepared, as a preliminary step, to
an abstract and metaphysical quer- ditembody the militia, and lay
tion on the moral competence of aside our naval preparations. If
contracts. Shall it be allowed that England could defcend to fo bale
the first principle of morals shall and humiliating a procedure, yet
be controverted, and the commu- another confideration is to be ob-
nity of nations turned into a school viated. Can we acknowledge the
of metaphysical sceptics? At leait constitution of the French Por it
cui bono Suppose you settle the should rather be asked, have they
dispute with the present executive a constitution to acknowledge.-
council; their successors, armed In short, his mind was fo framed,
with the natural, imprescriptible that it could admit no argument in
rights of man, will, by the very favour of the motion that did not
same reasons, deny their right to favour of national cowardice or
settle it. You can obtain nothing treachery—of a mean and timid
short of total abandonment, but petition to France, or resort to
what the metaphysical wand of French connection for the support
these perverted logicians will de- of British treasons.
stroy as by magic. What? bind Mr. Burke, after some animated
by treaty the rights of man! It is compliments to the young meni-
impotlible, they would exclaim, bers who had opposed the motion,
nature forbids it-right is para- and some severe larcasms on Mr.
mount to treaty. Those with whom Erikine, who had supported it, en-
you negotiated thus exceeded their tered, with his usual ardour and
power, and betrayed their consti- eloquence, into the state, condi-
tuents, and the contract is there- tion, and views of France. “
fore void. Having surveyed the have the French," said he, “who
motion as it related to right and cherish and protect the traitors, of.
utility, he adverted, with much fered to aid and abet the downfal
additional force, to the indigrity of our government? Because the
such a proceeding would throw on unfledged republicans have deter-
the country, and concluded with mined to wage war against every
giving a decided negative. monarchy. Having a king who
Sir William Young opposed a commands the affections. of his

Why

or had negotiation with France

, confi.

cend to treaty with a foreign power: Stiate? in a domestic view, it ftruck Ls - their rather as a commercial treat

-ing so, ing it in the character of a fed people, the criminality on our part that pious assembly be instantly

unpardonable in their eyes. Convulfed with laughter. The

enes are anointed with oil-the president, Robespierre and Marat,

iovereignty of the people with tworn enemies to kings, would e lebie the more easy and ready import thich all Europe revolted, height- dignation within bounds. On the

albod! The recent massacres, at scarcely be able to keep their intheir the our re- of Brunswick, he said

, fent to 1

ened this ftriking likeness; and one fide, citizen Frost would inrights gotiate during his retreat

, t:

none but the murderers themselves fiame their resentment; and on fre to haughty aniwer was that ofis berbarities, which exceeded all an- proceed to denounce us.

muld help deploring the shocking the other, citizen Paine would it the Roman to Pyrrhus: “ We wil

Mr. their treat whilft you are in our coz.

cient and modern flagitiousness. Burke concluded a very eloquent

Those who were advocates for an but desultory speech, with reading, Ez you try". Are we prepared for as landaffador to Paris,ought ferioufly from a flip of paper, a declaration, aistry, swer of fimilar import

? Are we y but prepared, as a preliminary fie ment they placed fuch a gen- the grounds of the conduct

of the quef- disembody the militia, and ce of aside our naval preparations,

teman. They appointed an am- executive power, in order that the I that England could defcend to fo bi

bailador to a people who laad po people of Engiand might know thall and humiliating a procedure, end who had denounced the moft had arisen from the proceedings government, no administrators, that

, if there must be a war, it hool viated. Can we acknowledge implacable hatred againft all kings! of those among themselves, who, least constitution of the French :

But, say they, ambassadors have by their feditious practices, had the should rather be asked, have the

been sent thither from other po- provoked it; and that a war with

tentates. Be it fo. But let no France was necessary for the secuative a constitution to acknowledg.- amballador go thither from Great- rity of the liberties of England, med In short, his mind was so framel, cible that it could admit no argument knowledge them by an ambassador, happiness of mankind.

Britain. If we condescended to ac- the interefts of Europe, and the very favour of the motion that did not

might, they not infult him by fayto favour of national cowardice cos Who fent you? The king or Burke's opinion of the French,

Mr. Courtenay arraigned Mr. ning treachery-of a mean and timel but petition to France, or refort a

the people of England? The king, whom he accufed of calumniating

molt certainly, answers the am- in a moft opprobrious and unmanly of French connection for the fuper defidor. The king! return from manner. After fome fevere, far. de- of British treasons. ind Mr. Burke, after some animated

whence you came : we never sent calms ou that gentleman, and det is compliments to the young menu

for yon : we have paffed an irrevo- fending the propriety of attempt-,- bers who had opposed the motion

,

cable declaration against all tyran- ing to negotiate with France, he ra- and some severe farcasms on M,

Dr! And thus, if the motion were entered into an eulogium of the om Erskine, who had supported it, co

greed to, we should jottle in the French, rejoiced at their successes, eir tered, with his usual ardour and

ers, and expose ourselves to the their glorious expedition in Bra

inolence of the basest of mankind bant, and the liberation of Flanalti- eloquence, into the state, condre- tion, and views of France. "Why

-monsters who outrage every law ders. He had lived, he said, to see

busin and divine. che have the French," said he," whe

the genius of liberty inspire the nd cherish and protect the traitors

, de

dir. Burke made the following French with a portion of noble ch fered to aid and abet the downfal

Indicrous objection to the pro- ardour, which the flaves of despots ity of our government? Because the

poled negotiation :-If, when the found irrefiftible. From thefc

British ambaffador appears at the vaunting descriptions of French on unfledged republicans have deterth mined to wage war againft every

der of the convention, his com- valour, he proceeded to indulge monarchy. Having a king who

milion, among other things, hap- his usual vein of pleasantry on the

pened to state-George the Third, flights of Mr. Burke's imaginaa commands the affections of his

people
by the grace of God, would not tion; and concluded with declar-

ing

Was

ing his bigh sense of the public than the manner in which Mr. and private virtues of Mr. Fox, Grant had supported his argument. and if he should ever separate from The most successful passage in his him, he should consider that day able speech, turned upon a palas the most degraded of his life. fionate appeal to the pride and dig

Mr. Sheridan began by expref- nity of the Englith nation: He sing his astonishment at the per- thinks proper to affume, that any verse manner in which the quer- thing like negotiation at present, tion had been argued, and the would be a petition for mercy and injuftice with which the mover of forbearance from the French nait had been treated. His right tion: and then he triumphantly exhon. friend, he said, had recom- claimed, with a triumphant cry, mended, that, before we plunged acknowledging the excellence of into a war, and drew upon the his argument,“ Draw your petition, treasure and blood of the people of and where is the man, with a BriGreat-Britain, ve should try, if tith heart within his bosom, who possible, to settle the matter in dif- will sign it!" What unfairness is pute by negotiation, and shew to this ! faid Mr. Sheridan. the people we had so tried. This there no mode between nations of de his right hon, friend had recom- demanding explanation for an in -d mended as a duty which we owed jury given or meditated, but by to our conftituents, be the character petition? Did we petition the court and principles of the power with of Spain in the affair of Nootka pie whom we are disputing what they Sound? Did we petition France may. Was it credible that a pro- in the dispute respecting this very position of this nature should have Holland in 1787? been received with such heat? Mr. Sheridan now proceeded to Reason and duty at any other time treat in a vein of pointed ridicule must have supported it. But the the opinion of Mr. Windham, that fact was, that the moment was un- he had rather the negotiation, if it fortunate; the time was full of ever took place, should be a matter heat and irritation; natural and of neceflity, and not of choice.artificial government had thought The question, he said, was not it their interest to infiame this dif- merely whether we should go to position. Intelligence was ex war or not, but on what princi- me pected of a catastrophe in France, ples, to what end, and with what which all humane hearts depre- confederacy we thould go to war, cated, and would equally deplore; For his part, he had declared, and the in this temper, therefore, the pub- he hoped with fufficient fairness strin lic mind was worked up to a blind and frankness, that, if war must and furious hostility against France, be, the defence of the country and and the dearest interests of our own its conftitution would be the finesten country were to be risqued at the gle confideration in his mind : and, call of a momentary enthubali, for that purpose, he would support which, if not bottomed in found the executive government, in whatpolicy and found sense, was sure ever hands his Majesty placed it, not to be lasting. Could there be But, in this declaration, he referred a stronger proof of this temper, to a war, undertaken on the neceí

fionate appeal to the pride and i

public than the manner in which to Ay, and directed to the objects cumftance of Lord Gower's quitting Fox, Grant

had supported his argueres haged by his majesty and his minif- Paris after the horrors of the tenth e from The most successful paffage int

He did not refer to the cru- of August, as a measure which was at day able speech, turned upon a

ble of chastisement and venge- connected not only with the dignity fe.

since, which the zeal of some gen- but the interest of Great Britain ; xpref- nity of the Englith nation. Hemen recommended, and the cla- and as for the motion before the e per

thinks

proper to affume, that ay hour of the House seemed so ready House, he was willing to put it ques- thing like negotiation at prea badopt. He never would consent upon this iffue.

If under the forthe would be a petition for mere al

that one Englith guinea fhould be mer government of France, while ver of forbearance from the Frenci 3. spent, or, one drop of British blood

we had an ambassador in France, right tion: and then he triumphanikel be thed to restore the ancient del- and France an ambassador here, -com- claimed, with a triumphant car potism of France, that bittereftfoe the French government had reinged acknowledging the excellent which England ever knew. Soon- ceived persons from this country

the his argument, “ Draw your petoier than support such objects, or complaining of the conftitution, ole of and where is the man, with a fuch a project, he would rather vi- and propofing an alliance to subvert y, if tilh heart within his bofom, s date the proud feelings which he it, and given a favourable answer

dif- will fign it!" What unfairness thared in common with the House, to such persons, what would have w to this ! faid Mr. Sheridan. and petition for peace with any been the duty of his majesty's miThis there no mode between natione conceffion, and almost by any fa- nisters? Would it not have been to com- demanding explanation for at crifice. He then declared, that, recal our ambassador, and order the wed jury given or meditated, but from the commencement of the re French ambassador to quit this acter petition? Did we petition tbe ce volation, he had been of opinion, country? How then could we now with of Spain in the affair of Note that, if there had been a statesman- send an ambassador to France, they Sound? Did we petition Frane like adminiftration, they would when the present French governpro- in the dispute respecting this er bare confidered the post of minis- ment had openly and vauntingly zave Holland in 1787?

ter at Paris, as the situation which purlued the same conduct. Pat?

Mr. Sheridan now proceeded to demanded the first and ableft ta Mr. Fox said, that the chief ime treat in a vein of pointed ridiné lents in the country; and highly as point maintained by him in making the the opinion of Mr. Windham,

the valued his right hon. friend, this motion, was, not that the peoun- he had rather the negotiation

, it unparalleled as he thought his ta- ple are always to be consulted on of ever took place, should be a man leats were, he should not hesitate the expediency of going to war, nd of necesity, and not of choice to declare, that, as minister in but that on all occasions they ought ght The question, he said, kas na Paris, there was scope and interest to be truly informed what the If merely whether we thould gor for the greatest mind that ever subject of the war is. Whenever

war or not, but on what prise wanned an human bosom. The you do treat, added he, and that ce, ples, to what end, and with re French bad been uniformly partial, you must treat fome time or other, - confederacy we thould go to wz. and even prejudiced in favour of nobody can deny, you must treat ; For bis part, he bad declared

, al the English. What manly fense, with the existing powers; and if - he hoped with fufficient faite

what generous feeling, communi- you refule to do that now, which d and frankness

, that, if war met cating with them might have done, you know must be done at some E, be, the defence of the country and and, above all, what plain dealing time or other, you give away the

its constitution would be the fir might have effected, he believed opportunity of faving Holland from - gle confideration in his mind: and

was not eafy to calculate; but the a war, of preserving to her the mofor that purpose, he would luport withholding all these from that na- nopoly of the Scheldt without a the executive government, in what ton in our hollow neutrality, he war, and of obtaining the revocaever hands his Majesty placed i was fure, was an error, which tion of that resolution of the exeBut, in this declaration, he referred

vonld be for ever lamented. cutive council, of which I perhaps to a war, undertaken on the neces

Mr. Dundas considered the cir- think as ill as you do. filtry

The