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by force, which the more it was Mr. Fox then argued from the forced upon them, the more they confequences that might result to abhorred. The French appeared Holland, and the actual state of dels moderate, from pretending to Ireland, that we ought not to enbe more so, than other nations ; gage in a war with France. He by overturning the ancient govern- afterwards proceeded to consider ment, and impoting theories of their the principles which had been reown, on a people who disiked probated on the proposed address ; them, while they pretended to li- it was not the principles, he faid, berate, instead of using their right which were bad, but the abuse of of conquett. But was this such a them. From the abuse, not the crime in the eyes of Europe? As principles, had flowed all the evils was laid of the woman caught in that afflicted France. The use of adultery, which of the courts, the word equality by the French would that of London or Berlin cast was deemed highly objectionthe first itone? The Itates of Bra- able. When taken as they meant brant, they were told, had, pašla it, nothing was more innocent; conventa, a legal and free govern- for what did they say, “all men nient of their own, But were the are equal in respect of their States free under the house of Auf- rights." To this he assented; all tria, under Joseph, Leopold, or men had equal rights, equal rights Fancis? O yes ! for when Dumou- to unequal things; one man to a rier was triumphantly entering thilling, another to a thousand Brussels, and the Austrian Gover- pounds; one man to a cottage, annors making their escape at a por- other to a palace; but the right in tern, they sent back a declaration both was the same; an equal right to the states, restoring their mag- of enjoying, an equal right of inna charta, the jouer se entré', which heriting or acquiring, and of pofhad been the perpetual subject of fefling inheritance or acquifition. dispute with their sovereign, and The effect of the proposed adwhich all their remonftrances could dress was to condemn, not the never obtain before. This was the abuse of those principles, (and the government that acted with such French had much abused them,) honour to its subjects, and put the but the principles thenfelves. To French to shame. He feared, that this he could not allent, for they ! if they were to examine the con were the principles on which also duct of foreign powers, in point of just and equitable government was 3 honour and good faith, they must founded. be compelled to speak less civilly He considered the atheism of tar of them than policy would dictate. France, if the French were atheist you Why, then, had he touched upon ists, as a ridiculous ground for war; it? Because the conduct of France and that, if we engaged in it to was perpetually introduced to in- propagate the Christian religion, it flame and delude, and it was his should not be by a conduct conduty to dispel the delusion, by trary to the religion of Chrift. He Thewing that it was not more ex concluded, by exculpating himself

, < ceptionable than that of its neigh- with great spirit, from the calumbours.

niating acculation of his being a

partizan

lences that might repartizan of France, and in correl- when it might probably be most ef

HISTORY OF EUROPE.

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TER, 1793.

Fox then argued from

53

, that we ought but de

auntry,

a war with France. Leds proceeded to nciples which had be d on the proposed not the principles

, bei ere bad, but the chi

From the abuse, et des, had flowed all the Flicted France. The

eemed highly cora. When taken as the case

Lial in respect of

To this he ailcoat ual things; one man

dl, and the actual i pandence with persons in that fe&tually carried on; negotiation

might, no doubt, be tried, but he
Mr.' Windhain replied to Mr. had no hope that it would do any
la-It had been laid, he ob- good.
kned, that no specific object had Mr. Windham then proceeded to
been held out for which this coun- state strongly bis ideas of the great
ir should go to war; nor in his danger of the propagation of French
opinion could it always happen, principles; and that opinions and
that, previous to entering upon a principles, supported and propa-
war, the precise object which was gated by arms, behoved to be op-

blead to its termination should be posed by arms. In his idea, the d equality by the difinetly known. At present we conquest of Britain by Louis XVI.

po to war for the security of this would by no means have been a ca

ontury, to attain which would be lamity equal to the propagation of hing was more in.c.de object of the war, though it French principles. In the one case, t did they say

, “ 25 zght be impoflible to say how or our pertons might perhaps have

when that was to be obtained : in been tafe; all morality, order, and

the same way, when a person is at- religion, would be totally overequal rights, equal tacked by a ruffian, the object is to thrown in the other. This would

elcape

, though it may be uncertain be a war pro aris & fucis to the greatanother to a dizby what means that may be accom- est extent. one man to a cottega plithed. In his opinion, from the With respect to the Duke of a palace; but the site pretient declared dispositions of the Brunswick's expedition, which had

French, war was inevitable, and been called the cause of despots, Eng, an equal right

the only choice left us was the he confeffed, that he had wished or acquiring, and

time, and he thought it by no them success, from the belief that Cheritance or acquitti

means prudent to wait till they the evil which that expedition was

fere ready to attack us. He con- undertaken to remove was greater as to condemn, 14

ceived the French to be actuated than any which could be apprethose principles, (u.

by as great a spirit of conqueft at hended from its fuccefs. He had much abued its predent as they had ever been. could, by no means, he said, join rinciples themiehes. Par might, no doubt, occasion with Mr. Fox in his approbation ould not allent, for Li deze dilcontents in this country; of French principles, considered

principles on this ka impreiled, as he was, that war abstractedly, for they appeared to
equitable governo

ta ablolutely inevitable, neither him as falie in theory as in prac-
dat contideration,

nor the calami- tice.--Who, he asked, ever expectnsidered the atheid sans secessarily attending it, and ed advantages from var? But great Ef the French were

which were always much to be re as is the evil of war, he observed, idiculous grou'ud for gretted

, bore at all upon his mind. that there must be a still greater if we engaged in its

His opinion of the views of the evil; namely, the occasion of it. the Christian religion. French, founded upon the whole As to the idea that nothing but ex-t be by a condus

tuor of their conduct for the latt tirpation could etteet the most dee religion of Chri. fed etice or four years, could hardly firable object of the war, that was by exculpating kini be changed by any argument; and viewing the matter in too dreadful

raw, thence conceiving it impoffi- a light? it might rather be hoped, culation of his bei but that war could be avoided, he that a people, who had of late fo thought it thould be undertaken often changed their opinion, would

again

the sanie; an equat

Tect of the prvipoed

fpirit, from the care

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again be induced to alter it, and to Secretary Dundas brought up 23 adopt sentiments more consistent message from his majesty to the with the good order of all govern- House of Commons *. ments, and the general tranquillity On the 12th of February his of Europe, as well as more conduc majesty's message was taken into, five to their own happiness. confideration.

The motion for the address was Mr. Pitt said, whatever differcarried without a division.

ence of opinion might formerly On the 28th of January, the have existed with respect to submarquis of Stafford presented to jects, on which, however, the great the House of Lords a mellage from majority both of that House and his majesty, similar to that pre- the nation had coincided in sentiasa sented to the House of Commons; ment, whatever doubts might be abon and on the first of February that entertained as to the interest which meilage was taken into considera- this country had in the recent 302 tion by their lordfhips.

transactions on the continent, whatAs we have given fo large an ever question might be made of the extract from the very able debate satisfaction to which this country and in the House of Commons on this was intitled, or whatever question motion, we shall only observe, that might be made of the mode of it was supported in the House of condu& which had been pursued ja Peers, by the Lords Grenville, by government, which lately had Darnley, Carlisle, Portchester, Kin- not been carried so far as to pronoul, Stormont, and the Chancel- duce eren a divifion ; yet when lor, Lord Loughborough ; and op- the situation in which we now posed by the Lords Stanhope, Lau- stood was confidered, when those derdale, Derby, and the marquis circumftances which had occurred of Lansdowne; when it was car to produce an alteration in the line ried without a division,

state of affairs fince the last ads It might here be expected that dress, were taken into the account, the preceding debates would have he could not doubt but that there produced some reflections from us would be one unanimous sentiment respecting the apparent views of and voice expressed on the present France, and the probable designs occation. The question now was, of the British ministry: but we not what degree of danger or inshall reserve our opinions on the fult we should find it necessary to subjects of this chapter, to the con- repel, from a regard to our safety, clusion of it. Instead of making or from a sense of honour; the observations on the poslibility of question now was, not whether we preserving peace, we are called up. should adopt in our measures a on to record a declaration of war: fyftem of promptitude and vigour, but whether it was ignorantly or or of tameness and procrastination; arrogantly provoked by the British whether we should facrifice every government, or madly decreed by other consideration to the continuthe French convention, will be the ance of an uncertain and insecure subject of our future and very at- peace? When war was declared, tentive consideration,

IM

and the event no longer in our On the rith of February Mr. option, it remained only to be con

fidered, See State Papers, page 13 3•

!

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ern- House of Commons * llity du- majesty's message was taken

consideration.

Mr. Pitt said, whatever

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d to Secretary Dundas brought uidered, whether we should pre- timation froin General Dumourier, tent meilage from his majely part to meet it with a firm deter- that the general wished an interOn the 12th of February gernment with zeal and courage poffible to adjust the differences

and support his majesty's view, in order to if it were yet ziot every attack. War now between the two countries, and to is not only declared, but carried promote a general pacification. In

mat our very doors ; a war which stead of treating the embargo as an ence of opinion might fietselatan objeđnolefs deftructive act of hoftility, and forbearing from the have exifted with reíped to in the total ruin of the freedom any communication, even after this toto jects, on which, however, die dier having taken a view of the on the same day on which the empre- the nation had coincided in

ftuation of the country at the bargo was made known to them, ons ; ment, whatever doubts might

ne of his majesty's last message, gave instructions to the ambassador that entertained as to the intereft u

sl of the circumstances which at the Hague to enter into a comcra- this country had in the

had preceded and accompanied it, munication with General Dumoutransactions on the continent,

Me. Itt entered into a very exten- rier; and they did this with great an ever question might be made d

fire gamination of the situation in satisfaction, on several accounts; pate satisfaction to which this comme

which we ftood at that important first, because it might be done this was intitled, or whatever queda

moment. When, said he, his ma- without committing hat might be made of the mot feliz ked difmifced Mr. Chauvelin, dignity; for the general of an of conduct which had been tehonarch, his chara&er had of war, without any recognition of

aby the melancholy catastrophe of army might, even in the very midst ille, by government, which lateht mind at the British court, eight his authority, open any negotiation Ein- not been carried so far as tor dis bad been allowed him for his of peace. But this fort of commus cel- duce even a division; yet te diperture, and if during that pe- nication was desirable also, bea; op- the situation in which we na

tid he had fent any more fatis- cause, if successful, it would be atau- ftood was considered, when te ler esplanation, it would fill tended with the most immediate quis circumstances which had come are been received. M. Chauve- effects, as its tendency was immcCar- to produce an alteration in lowerer, instantly quitted the diately to stop the progress of war,

state of affairs fince the laft: hat dress, were taken into the country, without making any pro- in the most practical, and perhaps; ave he could not doubt but that

ended, was an embargo laid on all time was therefore lost in authoUS would be one unanimous sentias

dhe reflels and persons of his ma- rising the king's minister at the of and voice expressed on the partie patys fubjects who were then in Hague to proceed in the pursuit gns occasion. The question nown

Ince, contrary to treaty, and of lo desirable an object, if it could we not what degree of danger er

point all the laws of nations. be done in a safe and honourable lic fult we should find it iieceffa78

Xatwithstanding this violent mode, but not otherwise. But bene repel, from a regard to our fate

and getrageous act, such was the fore the answer of government ng or from a sense of honour, dlzkion to peace in his majesty's could reach the ambafador, or any of question now was, not whether mites, that the channels of means be adapted for carrying the - Thould adopt in our measures communication, even after this object proposed into execution,

system of promptitude and nige period, were not fhut: a məft war was declared, on the part of or or of tameness and procraftinctio ingular circumstance happened, the French, againit this country: h whether we fhould facrifice er mich was the arrival of intelli He now proceeded to the dey other confideration to the contine: ance of an uncertain and idlice from his majesty's minifter claration itself, which afferts,

the Hague, on the very day “that the king of England has · peace? When war was declare then the embargo became known not ceased, especially fince the reand the event no longer in

bext, that he had receiyed an in- volution of the soth of Aug. 1792, option, it remained only to be cz

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apers, page 133.

to give proofs of his being evil dif- should be the consequence to the posed towards the French nation, nation, which 1hould refuse to acand of his attachment to the coali- knowledge it in the first instance. tion of crowned heads.” But not. Mr. Pitt proceeded to state anowithstanding this affertion, the ther reason given by the convenFrench have not attempted to thew tion for the declaration of war, any act of hoftility on the part of “ that the Cabinet of St. James's his majesty ; nor in support of the has ceased, since the same period, charge of his attachment to the (the roth of August) to correspond coalition of crowned heads have with the French ambassador at they been able to alledge any fact. London, on pretext of the suspenIn ihort, Mr. Pitt affirmed, that no fion of the heretofore king of the acceflion to any such treaty had French: that, since the opening taken place on the part of the of the national convention, it has crown of Great Britain.

refused to resume the usual corThe next charge brought by the refpondence between the two liates, national aflembly was, “ that the and to acknowledge the powers of king of England had ordered his this convention: that it has reambassador at Paris to withdraw, fused to acknowledge the ambassabecause he would not acknowledge dor of the French republic, although the provisional executive council, provided with letters of credit in its created by the legislative assembly," name.” After the horrors of the roth of M. Chauvelin had been received August, and the ad of September, at this court as ambassador of the after the suspension of the French king, and in no other character. monarch, to whom alone the am- From the period of the suspension ballador had been fent, it certainly of the king, he, for some months, became proper to recall him. t'e ceased to hold any communication could not remain to treat with any with the government here, or to government to whom he was not act in any capacity: nor was it will accredited; and the propriety of the month of December that he his being recalled appears still more bad received his letter of credence evident, when it is considered, that to act here as the ambassador of the the banditti who had seized upon French republic. When these letthe government had been obliged, ters of credence had been tenderin the course of a month, to yield ed, they were refused; but it was to the interest of a different party, to be considered whether it would but of a defcription liinilar to their have been proper to have recogown. When a government was nised them, after the repeated inoverturned, it became a fair quef- stances of offence, for which no tion how long an interval thould compensation had been made; and intervene till the new powers of which, indeed, every fresh act should be acknowledged : and if presented not only a repetition but that change of government was ac- an aggravation. And besides at companied with the utmost tumult that very moment, it was to be reand distraction, it became a matter collected, they were embarked in of extreme hardship that a war the unjust and inhuman process

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