which was inscribed: "Presented to Stephen A. Douglas by the students of Lombard College." The speaker said the circle was emblematic of Mr. Douglas' course. So it was, in a different sense than that meant by them.

Mr. Douglas was then escorted to the Bonny House, where a large multitude of all parties gathered to see and shake hands with him.

DELEGATION MEETS LINCOLN

At twelve o'clock the republicans with the military went to meet Lincoln, who was to come in with the Knoxville delegation. Hard by two they reached the place of rendezvous, when the delegation came along "mammoth" would not describe it. It was like one of Sylvanus Cobb's tales, of monstrous length and "to be continued."

Lincoln was escorted to the house of Henry R. Sanderson, when a reception speech was made by T. G. Frost, and the most beautiful banner of the day prepared by the ladies of Galesburg, was presented by Miss Ada Hurd. It was an American shield handsomely embroidered. Upon one side was the inscription: "Presented to the Hon. A. Lincoln by the Republican Ladies of Galesburg, Oct. 7th, 1858." On the reverse was the Declaration of Independence upon a scroll executed with a pen by a Mr. Clark of Peoria. Miss Hurd, who is of a queenly appearance, rode up at the head of a troop of equestrians and receiving the banner from the attendant presented it in a very neat and well spoken address. Mr. Lincoln's remarks in reply were very happy. It was the most beautiful ceremony of the day. A banner was also presented Mr. Lincoln by the students of Lombard University.

THOUSANDS FROM ABROAD

By this time the delegations of both parties began to come in strong. Mercer turned a large delegation for Douglas as well as a large one for Lincoln; but Wataga, Henderson and the adjoining villages bore off the palm for numbers, their delegation alone being over half a mile in length.

Monmouth sent up a rousing delegation for Lincoln. Someone down there is great for crayon sketches, as the banners of this delegation were of the most amusing kind:

First, came one inscribed The Monmouth Glee club.

Second, a crayon sketch of Douglas and Toombs modifying, in which Douglas with pen in hand is erasing the clause referring the Kansas Constitution back to the people.

Third, a representation of Jim Davidson, his head just stricken from his shoulders. In a scroll Jim learns that it is one hundred eighty-four miles to Monmouth.

Fourth, "Doug at Freeport," "my platform," in which Douglas stands "reversed" upon the Dred Scott platform, one leg of which is giving out beneath.

Fifth, "Coming from Egypt," in which Douglas, roaring with rage, is being punched up with Lincoln's cane.

Other banners in that delegation we have not time to notice.

Of the notable banners in the procession we observed the following: A representation of the capitol and over the door Douglas' complaint (he's got my place). Douglas is turning away, while Lincoln is coming in.

A representation of a two-donkey act, or Douglas attempting to ride "Popular Sovereignty" and "Dred Scott." His straddle is remarkable but not equal to the task, as both animals, kicking up their heels, send him a-sprawling.

"Knox College goes for Lincoln" stretched across the south front and on the north end of the college building: We will subdue Stephen A. Douglas.

"Abe Lincoln, the Champion of Freedom." Upon this banner was also a portrait of Long Abe.

MEETINGS IN THE EVENING

In the evening Hon Archibald Williams of Quincy addressed the

republicans at Dunn's hall, in a speech of great power. It was one of the most telling of the campaign. As a by-stander remarked: “There are more brains in his skillet than all the rest put together.'

He was followed by Captain Prentiss of the same place in a brilliant effort.

The Monmouth Republican Glee Club enlivened the evening with some of the most laughable songs, ground out by one of their number, who gets them up to suit the time. One was written after the speeches of the day were over, and portrayed the manner in which Lincoln shaved Douglas in the most side-splitting style.

The club is said to be making more republicans in the country than all the stumpers put together.

Upon being introduced by the chairman of the day Judge Douglas said:

Ladies and Gentlemen: Four years ago I appeared before the people of Knox county for the purpose of defending my political action upon the Compromise measures of 1850 and the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Those of you before me, who were present then, will remember that I vindicated myself for supporting those two measures by the fact that they rested upon the great fundamental principle that the people of each State and each Territory of this Union have the right, and ought to be permitted to exercise the right, of regulating their own domestic concerns in their own way, subject to no other limitation or restriction than that which the Constitution of the United States imposes upon them. I then called upon the people of Illinois to decide whether that principle of self-government was right or wrong. If it was and is right, then the Compromise measures of 1850 were right, and, consequently, the Kansas and Nebraska bill, based upon the same principle, must necessarily have been right.

The Kansas and Nebraska bill declared, in so many words, that it was the true intent and meaning of the act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic

institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. For the last four years I have devoted all my energies, in private and public, to commend that principle to the American people. Whatever else may be said in condemnation or support of my political course, I apprehend that no honest man will doubt the fidelity with which, under all circumstances, I have stood by it.

During the last year a question arose in the Congress of the United States whether or not that principle would be violated by the admission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution. In my opinion, the attempt to force Kansas in under that Constitution, was a gross violation of the principle enunciated in the Compromise measures of 1850, and Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1854, and therefore I led off in the fight against the Lecompton Constitution and conducted it until the effort to carry that Constitution through Congress was abandoned. And I can appeal to all, men, friends and foes, Democrats and Republicans, Northern men and Southern men, that during the whole of that fight I carried the banner of Popular Sovereignty aloft, and never allowed it to trail in the dust, or lowered my flag until victory perched upon our arms. When the Lecompton Constitution was defeated, the question arose in the minds of those who had advocated it what they should next resort to in order to carry out their views. They devised a measure known as the English bill and granted a general amnesty and political pardon to all men who had fought against the Lecompton Constitution, provided they would support that bill. I for one did not choose to accept the pardon, or to avail myself of the amnesty granted on that condition. The fact that the supporters of Lecompton were willing to forgive all differences of opinion at that time in the event those who opposed it favored the English bill, was an admission they did not think that opposition to Lecompton impaired a man's standing in the Democratic party. Now the question arises, what was that English bill which certain men are now attempting to make a test of political orthodoxy in this country. It provided, in substance, that the Lecompton Constitution should be sent back to the people of Kansas for their adoption

Bold

or rejection, at an election which was held in August last, and in case they refused admission under it, that Kansas should be kept out of the Union until she had 93,420 inhabitants. I was in favor of sending the Constitution back in order to enable the people to say whether or not it was their act and deed, and embodied their will; but the other proposition, that if they refused to come into the Union under it, they should be kept out until they had double or treble the population they then had, I never would sanction by my vote. The reason why I could not sanction it is to be found in the fact that the English bill, if the people of Kansas had only agreed to become a slaveholding State under the Lecompton Constitution, they could have done so with 35,000 people, but if they insisted on being a free State, as they had a right to do, then they were to be punished by being kept out of the Union until they had nearly three times that population. I then said in my place in the Senate, as I now say to you that when-> ever Kansas has population enough for a slave State she has population enough for a free State. I have never yet given a vote, and I never intend to record one, making an odious and unjust distinction between the different States of this Union. I hold it to be a fundamental principle in our republican form of government that all the States of this Union, old and new, free and slave, stand on an exact equality. Equality among the different States is a cardinal principle on which all our institutions rest. Wherever, therefore, you make a discrimination, saying to a slave State that it should be admitted with 35,000 inhabitants, and to a free State that it should not be admitted until it has 93,000 or 100,000 inhabitants, you are throwing the whole weight of the Federal Government into the scale in favor of one class of States against the other. Nor would I on the other hand any sooner sanction the doctrine that a free State could be admitted into the Union with 35,000 people, while a slave State was kept out until it had 93,000. I have always declared in the Senate my willingness, and I am willing now to adopt the rule that no Territory shall ever become a State, until it has the requisite population for a member of Congress, according to the then existing ratio. But while I have