only to such friends as are able to give a man counsel (they indeed are best); but even without that a man learneth of himself, and bringeth his own thoughts to light, and whetteth his wits as against a stone, which itself cuts not. In a word, a man were better relate himself to a statue or picture than to suffer his thoughts to pass in smother. Heraclitus saith well in one of his Ænigmas, 'Dry light is ever the best:' and certain it is, that the light that a man receiveth by counsel from another is drier and purer than that which cometh from his own understanding and judgment, - which is ever infused and drenched in his affections and customs. So as there is as much difference between the counsel that a friend giveth and that a man giveth himself, as there is between the counsel of a friend and of a flatterer; for there is no such flatterer as in a man's self, and there is no such remedy against flattery of a man's self as the liberty of a friend. . . . The Twenty-eighth Essay, entitled "Of Expense," which is very short, is the first we have come to of the Ten original Essays published in 1597. It contains, among others, these two practical directions: : ...... Certainly, if a 'man will keep but of even-hand, his ordinary expenses ought to be but to the half of his receipts; and if he think to wax rich, but to the third part. A man ought warily to begin charges, which, once begun, will continue; but in matters that return not, he may be more magnificent. The Twenty-ninth Essay is entitled "Of the True Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates," and appeared in part in the edition of 1612. It is long, and very masterly and characteristic. We will transcribe the most remarkable passages: Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories, goodly races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like-all this is but a sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and disposition of the people be stout and warlike. Nay, number itself in armies importeth not much, where the people is of weak courage; for, as Virgil saith, 'It never troubles a wolf how many the sheep be.' The army of the Persians, in the plains of Arbela, was such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat astonish the commanders in Alexander's army; who came to him, therefore, and wished him to set upon them by night but he answered, 'He would not pilfer the victory;' and the defeat was easy. When Tigranes, the Armenian, being encamped upon a hill with four hundred thousand men, discovered the army of the Romans, being not above fourteen thousand, marching towards him, he made himself merry with it, and said, "Yonder men are too many for an ambassage, and too few for a fight; but before the sun set he found them enough to give him the chase with infinite slaughter. Many are the examples of the great odds between number and courage, so that a man may truly make a judgment, that the principal point of greatness in any state is to have a race of military men. Neither is money the sinews of war, as it is trivially said, where the sinews of men's arms in base and effeminate people are failing. For Solon said well to Croesus (when in ostentation he showed him his gold), 'Sir, if any other come that hath better iron than you, he will be master of all this gold.' Therefore let any prince or state think soberly of his forces, except his militia of natives be of good and valiant soldiers; and let princes on the other side, that have subjects of martial disposition, know their own strength, unless they be otherwise wanting unto themselves. As for mercenary forces, which is the help in this case, all examples show that whatsoever estate or prince doth rest upon them, 'He may spread his feathers for a time, but he will mew them soon after.' By all means it is to be procured, that the trunk of Nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy be great enough to bear the branches and the boughs-that is, that the natural subjects of the crown or state bear a sufficient proportion to the strangersubjects that they govern. Therefore all states that are liberal of naturalization towards strangers are fit for empire; for to think that an handful of people can, with the greatest courage and policy in the world, embrace too large extent of dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail suddenly. The Spartans were a nice people in point of naturalization, whereby, while they kept their compass, they stood firm; but when they did spread, and their boughs were become too great for their stem, they became a windfall upon the sudden. Never any state was in this point so open to receive strangers into their body as were the Romans, therefore it sorted with them accordingly, for they grew to the greatest monarchy. Their manner was to grant naturalization (which they called jus civitatis) and to grant it in the highest degree, that is, not only jus commercii,* *** Right of trade. jus connubii,* jus hæreditatis,† but also jus suffragiit and jus honorum ; and this, not to singular persons alone, but likewise to whole families, yea, to cities and sometimes to nations. Add to this their custom of plantation of colonies, whereby the Roman plant was removed into the soil of other nations; and, putting both constitutions together, you will say, that it was not the Romans that spread upon the world, but it was the world that spread upon the Romans; and that was the sure way of greatness. I have marvelled sometimes at Spain, how they clasp and contain so large dominions with so few natural Spaniards; but sure the whole compass of Spain is a very great body of a tree, far above Rome and Sparta at the first; and besides, though they have not had that usage to naturalize liberally, yet they have that which is next to it; that is to employ, almost indifferently, all nations in their militia of or dinary soldiers, yea, and sometimes in their highest commands. Nay, it seemeth at this instant, they are sensible of this want of natives, as by the 'Pragmatical Sanction,' now published, appeareth. .... No body can be healthful without exercise, neither natural body nor politic; and certainly to a kingdom or estate, a just and honourable war is the true exercise. A civil war, indeed, is like the heat of a fever; but a foreign war is like the heat of exercise, and serveth to keep the body in health: for in a slothful peace both courages will effeminate and manners corrupt. But, howsoever it be for happiness, without all question for greatness it maketh to be still, for the most part, in arms; and the strength of a veteran army (though it be a chargeable business), always on foot, is that which commonly giveth the law, or at least the reputation, amongst all neighbour-states; as may well be seen in Spain, which hath had, in one part or other, a veteran army almost continually now by the space of six-score years. To be master of the sea is an abridgment of a monarchy. Cicero, writing to Atticus of Pompey's preparation against Cassar, saith-Consilium Pompeii planè Themistocleum est, putat enim qui mari potitur eum rerum potiri.' And without Right of marriage. † Right of inheritance. Pompey's plan is clearly that of Themistocles, for he believes that whoever is master of the sea will possess the empire doubt Pompey had tired out Cæsar if upon vain confidence he had not left that way. We see the great effects of battles by sea. The battle of Actium decided the empire of the world: the battle of Lepanto arrested the greatness of the Turk. There be many examples where sea-fights have been final to the war, but this is when princes or states have set up their rest upon the battles. But thus much is certain, that he that commands the sea is at great liberty, and may take as much and as little of the war as he will; whereas those that be strongest by land, are many times nevertheless in great straits. Surely at this day, with us of Europe, the 'vantage of strength at sea (which is one of the principal dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain) is great; both because most of the kingdoms of Europe are not merely inland, but girt by the sea, most part of their compass, and because the wealth of both Indies seems in great part but an accessory to the command of the seas. The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the dark, in respect of the glory and honour which reflected upon men from the wars in ancient time. There be now for martial encouragement some degrees and orders of chivalry, which nevertheless are conferred promiscuously upon soldiers and no soldiers; and some remembrance, perhaps, upon the scutcheon; and some hospitals for maimed soldiers, and such like things. But in ancient times, the trophies erected upon the place of the victory; the funeral laudatives and monuments for those that died in the wars; the crowns and garlands personal; the style of emperor, which the great king of the world after borrowed; the triumphs of the generals upon their return; the great donatives and largesses upon the disbanding of the armies were things able to inflame all men's courages. But above all, that of the triumph amongst the Romans was not pageants or gaudery, but one of the wisest and noblest institutions that ever was; for it contained three things-honour to the general, riches to the treasury out of the spoils, and donatives to the army. But that honour perhaps were not fit for monarchies, except it be in the person of the monarch himself, or his sons; as it came to pass in the times of the Roman emperors, who did impropriate the actual triumphs to themselves and their sons for such wars as they did achieve in person, and left only for wars achieved by subjects some triumphal garments and ensigns to the general. The Thirtieth Essay, "Of Regiment (that is, govern ment or management) of Health," is another of those pubIt is very short, and it will be sufficient lished in 1597. to quote the opening sentences :- There is a wisdom in this beyond the rules of physic: a man's own observation what he finds good of and what he finds hurt of, is the best physic to preserve health. But it is a safer conclusion to say, This agreeth not well with me, therefore I will not continue it-than this, I find no offence of this, therefore I may use it. For strength of nature in youth passeth over many excesses which are owing a man till his age. The Thirty-first, entitled "Of Suspicion," was new in 1625. It is also very short; and the following few sentences may be sample enough of it : There is nothing makes a man suspect much more than to know little, and therefore men should remedy suspicion by procuring to know more, and not to keep their suspicions in smother. What would men have? Do they think those they employ and deal with are saints? Do they not think they will have their own ends, and be truer to themselves than to them? Therefore there is no better way to moderate suspicions than to account upon such suspicions as true, and yet to bridle them as false. For so far a man ought to make use of suspicions as to provide as, if that should be true that he suspects, yet it may do him no hurt. The Thirty-second, "Of Discourse," is another of those, most or all of which are short, in the original collection of 1597. Here are two or three sentences of it : The honourablest part of talk is to give the occasion, and again to moderate and pass to somewhat else; for then a man leads the dance. It is good in discourse and speech of conversation to vary and intermingle speech of the present occasion with arguments, tales with reasons, asking of questions with telling of opinions, and jest with earnest; for it is a dull thing to tire, and, as we say now, to jade any thing too far. A good continued speech, without a good speech of interlocution, shows slowness; and a good reply, or second speech, without a good settled speech, showeth shallowness or weakness; D 3 |