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He said, "It is a cow."

We smote our hands.

He said, "No; it is an ox."

We smote our hands.

He said, "No; it is not an ox."

We smote our hands.

He said, "You are in trouble, lads.''

We smote our hands.

He said, "But the cow was lost a long time ago.”

And there he spoke truly.

We smote our hands.

He said, "Just let me understand if it was stolen by any one."
We smote our hands.

He said, "No, it was not stolen by men; but it is still living.''
We smote our hands.

He said, "It is one that is lost."

And there too he spoke the truth.

We smote with our hands.

He said, "Let me just understand of what colour it is."'
We smote with our hands.

He said, "It is a red and white cow."

But there he made a guess, and did not speak truly.

We smote our hands.

He said, "No; it is a heifer; it is not yet a calf."

We smote our hands.

And there too he spoke truly.

He said, "Let me understand if the heifer is still living or not."

We smote our hands.

He said, "No, the heifer is dead."

We smote our hands.

He said, "No, it is still living."

He said, "Let me just understand where it is."

We smote our hands.

He said, "It is in the mimosa thorn-country.''

We smote our hands.

He said, "Just let me understand in what part of the thorn-country it is."

We smote our hands.

He said, "It has gone down the Umsunduze.''

We smote our hands.

He said, "Just let me understand if it is still living."

We smote our hands.

He said, "It is still living, and eating umtolo and umunga. Go and look for it there, and you will find it."

We thought we understood that he had now told us the place, for for some time we had not known where to go to look for it.

Then we gave him the shilling, and returned to Pietermaritzburg. When we came to Mr. G. we told him that the diviner said it was in the thorn-country, and that we were to go and look for it down the Umsunduze.

He told us to go and look for it in the place mentioned by the diviner. We went to look for it, going down the Umsunduze. As we went along we looked for it, going towards the thorn-country which he had pointed out. At length we got as far as T.'s, and sought for it in that neighbourhood; we could not find it, for the thorns were very thick. As we went we enquired at all the native villages in the thorn-country. The people said they knew nothing about it; and others told us to go to T., the white man who ate up the cattle of the people that were lost. But we were afraid to go to him, for he is a passionate white man who beats any coloured men whom he does not know if he see them passing through his land. So we went back to Pietermaritzburg without going to T.; and told Mr. G. that we had not found the heifer at the place pointed out by the diviner. So he told us to give up the search. We did so, and that was the end of it. . . .13

ANOTHER INCIDENT

John went to enquire of a diviner when his sister was ill, wishing to know what was the cause of her illness. But when he smote the ground he smote mechanically, assenting to every thing the diviner said, for he said to himself, "For my part I know nothing. It is the diviner that shall point out to me the real facts of the case.'

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The diviner reproved him, saying, "Surely, my friend, did you ever enquire of a diviner in this way before?''

John replied in the affirmative, saying, "O, it is I indeed who enquire," for I am now the responsible head of our village; there is no other man in it; there is no one but me."

The diviner said, "I see. You do not know how to enquire of a diviner." At length he devised a plan with one of his own people, saying, "This man has not the least notion of divination. Just go and ask him, that he may tell you why he has come, that you may smite the ground for me in a proper manner."

13 Pages 300-304.

14 The head of the village alone enquires of the diviner, either in person or by his representatives. Great men send messengers to the diviner, and do not go in person.

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So indeed the man said to John, "The diviner says you do not know how to divine. Tell me the cause of your coming. You will see that we smite the ground for him vehemently when he speaks to the point; and if he does not speak to the point, we do not smite much."'

John said in answer, "For my part I do not understand what you say. I have merely come to the diviner for no other purpose than to hear of him the nature of a disease. I did not come to talk with you about it. For my part I shall hear from the diviner what the disease is."

So he refused to tell him; and the man went back to the diviner; he said, "Let him come to me again, that we may hear.''

So John again smote the ground vehemently, and thus expressed his assent to every thing the diviner said. Until he became quite foolish, and said, "O, my friend, I see indeed that you do not know how to enquire of a diviner.''

He said this because there was no point where John assented very much, nor where he assented slightly, that he might see by his assenting slightly that he had not hit the mark. He expected if he hit the mark John would smite the ground vehemently; but if he missed it he would strike gently. So he left off divining, and said, "No, my friend, I never met with a man who enquired like you." He could do nothing.

John said, "O then, my friend, as you do not see the nature of the disease, now give me back my shilling, that I may betake myself to another diviner.''

So the diviner gave him back the shilling. His name was Um-ngom'u-ng'-umuntu.15

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49. THE DAKOTA ELK CEREMONY1

By ALICE C. FLETCHER

Among the Siouan family of Indians there are societies, religious in character, which are distinguished by the name of some animal. Each society has a ritual composed of chants and songs to be sung during different parts of the ceremonies, having words describing in simple and direct terms the act which accompanies the music. These musical rituals, it is often claimed, have been received in a mysterious or supernatural manner, and are therefore regarded as possessing a religious power. Every member is taught these songs after his reception into the society, and the music is thus handed down from generation to generation. Other songs are sometimes sung which have been composed by members and thus belong to the society. Some societies admit women to membership, through their own visions, or occasionally by those of their husbands, but more generally by means of the visions of male relatives. The women sit in a place assigned them, and those possessing clear soprano voices are instructed in the music, and accompany in high tenor voices the men who sing in unison. The songs of a society are rarely sung, except during the ceremonies to which they belong or on some occasion of danger or quest for property. The ritual chants and songs belonging to the great tribal religious ceremonies are strictly guarded and never sounded at any other time. Those belonging to minor societies it is permissible to use occasionally.

All the societies have certain articles or symbols which are always used or at least present during a ceremony or festival, as, the pipe, the sacred dish, the fire, the sweet grass or aromatic shrub, the prepared space of earth, the symbols formed upon it, or marked upon some reflecting surface, or on the skin of an animal. The rites peculiar to each society vary and there are generally articles used characteristic of the animal whose name the mystery bears. Each festival of the same society may differ in minor points, as an assembly only takes place in accordance with a vision, the details of which must be scrupulously fulfilled. A vision, I was frequently told, comes of God, and a man who does not act it all out faithfully commits a sin, and evil fortune will befall him or his parents in consequence of the dereliction.

1 From Alice C. Fletcher, "The Elk Mystery or Festival [of the] Ogallala Sioux, Reports of the Peabody Museum, volume 3, pages 276-288, 1887. The Dakota are the group of Plains Indian tribes often called Sioux.

Membership in these societies is not confined to any particular gens or grouping of gentes, but depends upon supernatural indications over which the individual has no control. The animal which appears to a man in a vision during his religious fasting determines to which society he must belong.

The maturity of the sexes is a period of serious and religious experiences which are preparatory by their character for the entrance of the youth or maiden into the religious and secular responsibilities of life, both individual and tribal. Among the tribes which hold especial public ceremonies announcing the maturity of a girl, these rites are held not far from the actual time of puberty, and indicate the close of childhood and entrance of the person into the social status of womanhood. The public festival has, however, been preceded by private religious rites. With young men, the religious training precedes and follows puberty, and the entrance upon manhood is publicly announced by the youth joining in the dangers and duties of tribal life. According to the old customs, a young man did not take a wife until he had proved his prowess, and thus become enrolled among the manly element, or braves as they are sometimes spoken of. The initial fasts of warriors have been mistaken sometimes for ceremonials of puberty.

Among pious families the male children are taught by their parents to look forward to the seeking of personal religious experiences in visions, and the boys are encouraged to go forth as early as the eleventh year of their age. The father makes a small bow and arrows and presents them to his son; these are for protection during the lonely vigil and are not to be used to secure food. With prayerful hearts the parents smear the boy's head and face with moistened earth, in token of humility, and the child is dismissed to seek a secluded spot where he is to remain, calling upon the god by using the ritual chant of the petition for such occasions, until the vision appears, or exhaustion drives him home. Visions are sometimes difficult to secure, many tests being needful, and I have learned of a few Indians who never could obtain one. These fastings are repeated after the vision has been seen, as they belong to the religious rites proper to youth. They are believed to be strengthening to the man, by laying up a store of experiences which are drawn upon for succor in the day of battle, or of trouble. At such times, or when on missions of importance, the man recalls his vision and sings its songs thus appealing to his god. After the youth has entered the roll of manhood, he seldom seeks through fasting a return of the vision, except in cases of unusual anxiety or responsibility when supernatural aid is thus invoked. Only men, known as holy-men, continue in later life these religious exercises of their youth.

No coercion is brought directly to bear upon a lad to perform these rites, but should he unduly defer their performance he would be apt to

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