other render'd them abortive. At the treaty of Uxbridge, though the parliament's demands were high, and the king Thewed a more than ordinary aversion to comply with them; yet the ill posture of the king's affairs at that time, and the fatal consequences they feared would follow upon breaking off of the treaty, obliged a great many of the king's friends, and more particularly that noble person the earl of Southampton, who had gone post from Uxbridge to Oxford for that purpose, to press the king again and again upon their knees, to yield to the necessity of the times and by giving his assent to some of the most material propositions that were fent him, to settle a lasting peace with his people. The king was at fast prevailed with to follow their counsel ; and the next morning was appointed for figning a warrant to his commissioners, to that effect. And so sure were they of a happy end of all differences, that the king at supper complaining his wine was not good, one told him merrily, * he hoped that his majesty would drink better before a week was over at Guildhall with the lord-mayor.” But so it was, that when they came early the next morning to wait upon him with the warrant that had been agreed upon over-night, they found his majesty had changed his resolution, and was become inflexible in these points.

The unhappy occasion of this alteration has lain hitherto a secret in history, and might have continued such still, if a letter from the marquis of Montross in Scotland, whereof I have seen a copy under the duke of Richmond's hand, did not give a sufficient light into it. To make the matter better understood, it is necessary to say something of Montross and his actions in Scotland.

This nobleman had been at first very active and. zealous for the liberties of his country ; and was the first man that passed the river Tweed at the head of five hundred horse, upon the Scots first pedition into England: but being afterwards dif

obliged,

obliged, or, as some say, repenting of his former
error, he left that fide, and came in to the king at
the breaking out of the war between him and the
parliament. When the Scots came into England the
second time to aslist the parliament, Montrofs applied
himself to the king for a commission to levy war
against his rebel subjects, as they were called, of
Scotland; affaring his majesty, that he was able,
with the assistance of his friends, and concurrence of
the rest of the royal party, to make at least a very
considerable diverfion, if not to reduce the whole
country to his majesty's obedience. Accordingly the
marquis was made governor of Scotland; where, in
the space of five months, with a handful of raw un-
disciplined men, and those not half-armed, he did
over-run a great part of the country, and gain three
very considerable battles ; the last of which was that
of Inverlochy, fought the fecond of February 1644,
according to the English, and 1645, according to the
Scotch account. In this battle the earl of Argyle was
entirely defeated, and the prime of the noble family
of the Campbells cut off, with inconsiderable loss on
Montrofs's fide ; who next day dispatched an express
to the king with the news of this and his two former
victories : and in his letter expressed his “ utter aver-
fion to all treaties with his rebel parliament in Eng-
land," as he calls them : tells the king,
heartily forry to hear that his majesty had consented
to treat ; and hopes it is not true : advises him not to
enter into terms with his rebellious subjects, as being
a thing unworthy of a king : and affures him that he
himself was now so much master of Scotland, that he
doubted not but to be able within a few months to
march into England to his majesty's affiftance, with a
brave army.” And concludes with this odd expref-
sion, when I have conquered from Dan to Beer.
theba, as I doubt not I shall very quickly, I hope I
may then have leave to say, as David's general said
to his master, Come thou, left this country be called
by my name."

66 he is

1

This letter, writ with such an air of assurance, and by a person that was thought capable to make good his promises, and the matter contained in it suiting but too well with the king's inclinations, was unluckily delivered to the king but a few hours before he was to have signed the warrant beforementioned ; and had as ill effects as the worst of king Charles's enemies could have wished: for it dashed out in a moment all the impresions his best friends had been making upon him for a confiderable time, towards a full settlement with his people.

It looked, says my author, as if there was some secret fatality in this whole matter ; for it could hardly have been imagined, that a letter writ the third of February, in the furthermost north corner of Britain, fhould come fo soon to Oxford, considering the length of the journey, the badness of the roads at that time of the year, especially through the mountainous part of Scotland, together with the parliament's and Scotch armies and garrisons that were posted all along the road : and yet certain it is, it came through all these dangers and inconveniencies in very few days : for it's indors d upon the copy I have seen, that it was delivered to the king during the treaty of Uxbridge ; which everybody knows began the 30th of January, and ended the 22d of February. And further, it must have been delivered before the 19th of February, because king Charles takes notice of it in a letter to the queen of that date, found among others at Nasebý; where he says, “ though I leave news to others, yet I cannot but tell thee, that even now I have received certain intelligence of a great defeat given by Montrose to Argyle, who upon surprize totally routed these rebels, and killed 1500 upon the place.” And it's remarkable that in the same letter to the queen, immediately after the mentioning Montross's victory, the king adds, that as for trusting the rebels, either by going to London, or disbanding my army before a peace, do no fear my hazarding fo cheaply or foolishly : for I efteem the interett thou hast in me at a far dearer rate ; and

pretend pretend to have a little more wit (at least by the fympathy that is betwixt us, than to put myself into the reverence of perfidious rebels." " Which words being compared with Montross's letter *, it will be found the one is a commentary upon the other.

Dr. Wellwood concludes with this observation, “ that considering the time when this letter of Montross was writ, this critical minute it was delivered, with the sad consequences that attended it; it makes the axiom true, That oftentimes the fate of princes and states is chiefly owing to very minute and une foreseen accidents.” But may we not add from his own relation, that king Charles's fluctuating and vain temper, which easily received every flattering impression, and could be trusted only in proportion to the restraint it was under, was what in reality ruined his cause, more than any fatality or accident that appeared in this affair ?

* See this letter in the appendix.

CH A P. VI.

Cromwell's management towards the parliament, the

army, and the parties he had to deal with, till he: alsumed the Sovereignty,

AS

$. I. S there is nothing more essential in the cha

racter of a prince, or a great minifter, than: the art of governing parties, and reconciling different interests, so as to make them concur in the advance.. ment of his own designs ; so there is no art more diffi, cult than this to attain, or that requires more extraordinary qualifications in the person who attempts to practise it. But never was there a greater master in this art than Cromwell ; never was there a man who practised it so successfully, with so little affittance,

and fo few advantages. His whole publick life was one continued instance of his address and dexen terity, either in circumventing and distresing others, or in evading and breaking the fnares that were laid for himself,

His first care, from the beginning, was to secure himself a party in the house of commons ; which he effected by his zeal for the publick good, and his vigilance in profecuting all the measures that were entered into by the parliament. Hence it was that the earls of Essex and Manchester, tho' the former was general in chief, and the other Cromwell's superior, were not able to prejudice him, after he had eftablished his reputation by the victory of Marston-moor. When the Scotch chancellor * accused him of being an incendiary, and a pub

lick

* The chancellor's speech against him was in the following terms.

“ Mr. Maynard and Mr. Whitelock, I can assure you of the great opinion, both my brethren and self have of your worth and abilities; else we should not have desir'd this meeting with you : and fince it is his excellency's pleasure, that I should acquaint you with the matter upon whilk your counsel is desir'd, I shall obey his command, and briefly recite the business to you.

You ken vary weele, that lieutenant-general Cromwell is no friend of ours ;. and since the advance of our army into England, he has used all underhand and cunning means to tak off from our ho. nour, and merit of this kingdom, an evil requital of our hazards and services; but so it is, and we are neverthelefs fully satisfy'd of the affections and gratitude of the gude people of the nation in general.

It is thought requisite for us, and for carrying on the cause of the twa kingdoms, that this obAtacle or remora be removed out of the way, whom

we