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and sovereign Queen Victoria shall be drawn of ruling over such a people?-a people which nearer. You must act on the opinion of has shown itself, after a century of contact India on that subject immediately, and you with us, to be capable of crimes which would can only act upon the opinions of Eastern revolt any savage tribe of whom we read in natives through their imaginations. You ought Dr. Livingstone's narrative, and which had to have a royal commission sent by the queen never seen a Christian or European till he from this country to India immediately to in- penetrated among them. ... I can't even quire into the grievances of the various classes co-operate with those who seek to “reform' of that population. You ought to issue a India, for I have no faith in the power of royal proclamation to the people of India de- England to govern that country at all perclaring that the Queen of England is not a manently, and though I should like to see the sovereign who will countenance the violation Company abolished—because that is a screen of treaties—that the Queen of England is not between the English nation and a full sight a sovereign who will disturb the settlement of its awful responsibilities--yet I do not beof property--that the Queen of England is a lieve in the possibility of the crown governing sovereign who will respect their laws, their India under the control of parliament. If usages, their customs, and above all their re- the House of Commons were to renounce all ligion. Do this, and do it not in a corner, but responsibility for domestic legislation, and in a mode and manner which will attract uni- give itself exclusively to the task of governing versal attention and excite the general hope one hundred millions of Asiatics, it would fail. of Hindostan, and you will do as much as all Hindostan must be ruled by those who live your fleets and armies can achieve.”
on that side of the globe. Its people will preDisraeli had some notion-which he after- fer to be ruled badly-according to our notions wards developed into the proposition that -by its own colour, kith, and kin, than to England's empire was oriental—that we could submit to the humiliation of being better establish an imperial rule in India on a basis governed by a succession of transient intruders of condescending conciliation, but it would from the antipodes." These opinions, howhave been difficult to point out how this was ever, as Cobden acknowledged, were not adto be accomplished, unless the way were to be apted for the practical work of the day. paved for it by administrative changes similar “What is to be done now? Put down the to those which had already been effected and military revolt in justice to the peaceable which he opposed and condemned.
population, who are at the mercy of the armed Cobden, on the other hand, was of opinion mutineers. It is our duty to do so. We can that we should never really govern India in do it, and I have no doubt it will be done. any true or constitutional sense—that we had But then comes our difficulty. With the ex"attempted an impossibility in giving ourselves perience of the present year we can never to the task of governing one hundred millions trust a native force with arms again with the of Asiatics." His reasons for this belief were feelings of security which we formerly incharacteristic. “If the plan were practicable dulged.
Yet we cannot possibly adat the great cost and risk that we now see to minister the affairs of that country without a be inseparable from it," he wrote to Mr. native force, and we are now actually raising Ashworth, “what advantage can it confer on an army of Sikhs, the most warlike of our ourselves? We all know the motive which subjects in all Asia, whom we disarmed when took the East India Company to Asia-mono- we took possession of the country, and of poly; not merely as towards foreigners, but whom Lord Dalhousie said in a letter not ten against the rest of their own countrymen. years ago, that every man was against us." But now that the trade of Hindostan is Speaking of the horrible massacres and the thrown open to all the world on equal terms, fiendish ferocity of the Sepoys, Cobden said what exclusive advantage can we derive, to in a letter to Mr. Bright, “It is clear that compensate for all the trouble, cost, and risk they (the mutineers) cannot have been inspired
COBDEN ON INDIAN GOVERNMENT-KLAPKA.
with either love or respect by what they have civil and military officers. Cobden declared seen of the English. There must be a fierce that even the humiliation to which the native spirit of resentment, not unmixed with con- Hindoos were subjected might have been tempt for the ruling class, pervading the borne if the English with whom they came native mind. From the moment that I had in contact had displayed exalted virtues and satisfied myself that a feeling of alienation high intellectual powers. This, of course, was was constantly increasing with both the na- easy to say, but as a matter of possible governtives and the English (we had some striking ment it would have been difficult to procure evidence to this effect before our committee a large number of men of such qualities to in 1853), I made up my mind that it must fill the offices of subalterns in India or to end in trouble sooner or later. It is impossible enter the civil service there. that a people can permanently be used for Exalted virtues and high intellectual powers their own obvious and conscious degradation. are not common commodities, or they would The entire system of our Indian rule is that of course cease to be conspicuous, and those the natives will be the willing instruments of who possessed them were scarcely less wanted their own humiliation. Nay, so confident are in England than in India. But Cobden was we in this faith, that we offer them the light not beside the mark when he spoke of a low of Christianity and a free press, and still be morale and an absence of mental energy having lieve that they will not have wit enough to been the most conspicuous faults of the British measure their rights by our own standard.” | officers, so that the business of the regiments It may be mentioned that as a matter of had now fallen into the hands of the natives.' policy, and necessary policy, Lord Canning He saw too, what Klapka, the Hungarian genhad placed restrictions on the press in India eral saw, and spoke of with anxious deprecawhen he found it was used for spreading sedition, that from the wholesale and indiscrimintion, and he had also refused to countenance ate slaughter and execution of the Sepoys, of the formation of armed volunteer corps, since whom 100,000 were said to be in the mutiny, he mistrusted either the intention of those there was a danger that the assassinations and who had stimulated the movement, or the use massacres on one side, and the retributive that might be made of such a distribution of
carnage on the other, would perpetuate and arms at the very time when it was becoming deepen the feeling of alienation and pronecessary to deprive the natives of their mote a horrible ferocity and bloodthirst on weapons and to disband their regiments. In both sides. Klapka pointed out that large these proceedings he was blamed, almost at numbers of the Sepoy soldiers had probably the same time that he was also accused of joined in the mutiny without any personal undue leniency and “clemency," because he sympathy with it, but only from the habit of refused to become a party to the panic which following their own officers and acting on their would have resulted in punishing the atro- orders en masse. Cobden said, “Had it been cities of the Sepoys with atrocious reprisals. a mutiny of a company or a regiment, it would Doubtless Lord Canning, like his predecessor, have been of doubtful policy to hang or blow had masterful and imperious views of the from the guns all the privates concerned. But government of India; but Mr. Disraeli would when an entire army of 100,000 men have have been puzzled to point out how to rule planted the standard of revolt it is no longer otherwise, and Mr. Cobden himself would a mutiny, but a rebellion and civil war. To have admitted that if we could rule at all, it attempt to hang all that fall into our power must be by strong and definite government, can only lead to reprisals and wholesale carthough not by degrading and oppressing the nage on both sides." hundred million of Asiatics. The position We may not unprofitably note these various which was assumed by Lord Dalhousie and opinions, since they at all events illustrate the his successor did not necessarily involve the declaration that the government of India must temper displayed by many of the subordinate practically be carried on in that country itself. This declaration was common to critics on The mutiny had lasted just twelve months both sides, and their respective objections at before the capital of Oudh was recovered, least went to show that it was well founded. and after repeated battles the country was
But whatever may have been the force and restored to something like order, and the importance of these representations-and that rebellion was finally put down. It was in the they deserved deep attention was attested by month of June, 1858, that Sir H. Rose issued the events preceding and following the mu- a general order in which he said: “Soldiers, tiny, as well as by the ferocious counsel of you have marched more than a thousand miles,
a people here who would have slain, tortured, and taken more than a hundred guns. You and if possible have exterminated the rebellious have forced your way through mountain Sepoys—the mutiny had been suppressed. The passes and intricate jungles, and over rivers; recapture of Delhi was practically the end of you have captured the strongest forts, and the insurrection.
beat the enemy, no matter what the odds, The King of Delhi-the miserable survivor wherever you met them; you have restored of the house of which he had been the chief,
extensive districts to the government, and and the last of the line of Great Moguls—was peace and order now reign where before, for tried and sentenced to exile, or to what in a twelve months, were tyranny and rebellion; less distinguished criminal would have been you have done all this and you have never transportation. But transportation was at an had a check. I thank you with all sincerity end. The colonists at the Cape of Good Hope for your bravery, your devotion, and your would not receive even an ex-sovereign who discipline. When you first marched I told had become a convict, and he was subsequently you that you, as British soldiers, had more taken to Rangoon. Nana Sahib—the arch- than enough of courage for the work which fiend of the massacre-had disappeared, nobody was before you, but that courage without knew how or whither. It was years afterwards discipline was of no avail; and I exhorted that a rumour came from India of the capture you to let discipline be your watchword. You of the chief of Bithoor, but it was a case of have attended to my orders. In hardships, in mistaken identity. The fate of the monster temptations, and in dangers you have obeyed of Cawnpore was never discovered. His lieu- your general, and you have never left your tenant, Tantia Topee, held out for some time, ranks. You have fought against the strong but after having been repeatedly defeated, and you have protected the rights of the weak was taken prisoner, tried, and hanged. One and defenceless, of foes as well as friends; I of the boldest, most successful-or rather least have seen you in the ardour of combat preunsuccessful--and most enduring of the rebel serve and place children out of harm's way. leaders was the Rhanee of Jhansi, whose ter- This is the discipline of Christian soldiers, and ritory had been annexed by Lord Dalhousie, this it is that has brought you triumphant and who, regarding the insurrection as a na
from the shores of Western India to the tional rebellion, took the field with Nana waters of the Jumna, and establishes without Sahib. For months after the fall of Delhi doubt that you will find no place to equal the she carried on her opposition, leading her glory of your arms.” A telling though rather troops and taking part in the fighting in the inflated declaration this, and one which serres uniform of a cavalry officer. She opposed her to indicate what had been the course and the squadrons to the forces of Sir Hugh Rose, and effect of the struggle. It was not till the 20th struggled for the possession of Gwalior, and of December, 1858, that Sir Colin Campbell, was killed on the field after leading repeated who had been elevated to the peerage under the charges. Her body was afterwards found, title of Lord Clyde, announced to the governorscarred with wounds. “The best man upon general: “ The campaign is at an end, there the side of the enemy,” said Sir Hugh Rose, being no longer even the vestige of rebellion
was the woman found dead-the Rhanee of in the province of Oudh, . .. The last remJhansi."
nant of the mutineers and insurgents have
heen hopelessly driven across the mountains lory, all practically under the immediate orders which form the barrier between the king of the Board of Administration. Lawrence, dom of Nepaul and her majesty's empire of who possessed a strong constitution and an Hindostan."
every part of the The relief to public anxiety was very great, territory, which covered an area of above and honours were not grudged to men who 50,000 square miles. The border tribes, who had been prominent in suppressing the re- under the Sikh rulers would descend from the volt, as well as to those who by their saga- mountains and ravage the land between the city of administration had prevented it from Suliman range and the Indus, were permitted reaching still further, to proportions that to trade with us, but their incursions were might have justified Mr. Cobden's predictions. prevented and repelled by force. The head Foremost among the latter was Sir John Law- men were invited to conferences with the rence, who as a boy had carried off the chief chief commissioner, and invited to settle on prizes at Haileybury College, and in 1827 had our districts. The border-land became peaceentered the civil service of the East India Com- ful, and the highway of the frontier was subpany. His experiences in the North-west sequently safe. The disarmament of the PunProvinces had taught him what was the con- jaub was carried out successfully, notwithdition of the peasantry of India, and had standing the lawless condition of its inhabienabled him satisfactorily to complete the tants. settlement of the province of the Punjaub. On the outbreak of the mutiny all eyes He had been with Sir Henry Hardinge as a turned to the Punjaub. It would have been political officer during the Sikh war, and had a matter for small surprise had the Sikhs afterwards been appointed commissioner of the taken advantage of the mutiny to rise against ceded territory within the Sutlej, where his The crisis called forth the magnificent administrative abilities were so remarkable administrative abilities of Sir John Lawrence. that he not only preserved tranquillity but He knew his subordinates were, like himself, recruited a brigade of troops from among the men of iron, and he trusted them. Right peasants, who, when the second Sikh war broke | loyally did they stand by their chief. The out, remained firm and opposed their own Sikhs likewise knew and trusted him. Chiefcountrymen.
tain after chieftain personally tendered his We have seen that he became commissioner allegiance and offered the use of his own conof the Punjaub after its annexation. There tingent. The offers were accepted, and names he had protected the more peaceful inhabi- which now have become familiar as furnishtants from the dominant military power of the ing detachments during the Afghan war then Sikhs, had checked the exactions of the dis- first came into note as swarming down to our banded soldiery, who tried to carry out the old aid at Delhi. The Punjaub irregular force system of exacting pay from the Mohammedans. was doubled; its gallant commander, Neville All was tyranny and oppression, and Lawrence Chamberlain, hurried down to the army in the stood between the tyrants and their victims. field; and Lawrence set his whole energies to He abolished the barbarous Sikh laws, and in- work to draw from the military population of troduced the “Indian criminal code.” The the Punjaub an army which should subdue the country was surveyed for revenue purposes, faithless Sepoys from Oudh. He proved himand the land settled by what was believed by self a true general, for he detected generalship him to be an equitable adjustment. A local in others, and he shunned no responsibility. protective police force was organized, some of
Reference to higher authority was impossible, the old disbanded soldiers being enlisted in and though he had no more authority to grant its ranks; and a Punjaub irregular force was commissions than he had to create bishoprics, instituted, comprising five regiments of caval- he deemed the emergency so great as to admit ry, four of Sikh and six of Punjaub infantry, of any stretch of authority. Major Nicholson, a corps of guides, and five batteries of artil- the district officer of Bunnoo, was made a brigadier-general, and as such took precedence / pathy from the queen and Prince Albert was of men who held her majesty's commissions as conveyed to his widow through the Duke of colonels. It speaks well for the discipline of Cambridge. In replying to the duke, Lady the army that such a step passed unchallenged, Havelock said: “In the loneliness of my prebut it speaks volumes for the character of sent position I cannot help wishing that every Lawrence that he dared to undertake it. By woman, thus bereaved, might have such a son holding the Punjaub in his iron grip, by di- (I might say sons) to comfort and heal her verting every available soldier to Delhi, by broken heart.” mercilessly stamping out rebellion wherever it In the same letter (24th December, 1857) reared its demon head, Sir John Lawrence in which Lord Canning announced the death enabled Archdale Wilson to storin the capital of General Havelock to the queen, he spoke of the Great Mogul before a single reinforce of the loss of another very distinguished officer, ment reached him from England. With the Brigadier-general Neill. “They were,” writes fall of Delhi the hopes of the mutineers were Lord Canning, "very different men, however. extinguished. Our power in India was re- The first [Havelock] was quite of the old asserted, and the pacification, not the subju-school-severe and precise with his men, and gation, of the country became the task for its very cautious in his movements and plans, but rulers. For his share in suppressing the in action bold as well as skilful. The second mutiny Sir John Lawrence was created a very open and impetuous, but full of resources; baronet and a Grand Cross of the Bath. But and to his soldiers as kind and thoughtful of forty continuous years of active service fully their comfort as if they had been his children.” entitled the saviour of India to a rest, and at Captain Sir William Peel, K.C.B., comthe close of the mutiny he gladly handed over mander of the naval brigade, the third and the Punjaub to one of his most trusted lieu- much-loved son of Sir Robert Peel, was tenants and retired to his well-earned pension another officer whose loss was greatly deplored. in England. He was immediately elected to He died of small-pox at Cawnpore in April, the Indian council at home, where his large 1858, after having taken a brave and distinand varied experience, his cool judgment, and guished part in the worst time of the camfirmness of purpose were soon felt.1
paign. The grave had closed over Havelock, whose In a gazette extraordinary Lord Canning rewards and title had come too late. Both thus spoke of this distinguished man: “The houses of parliament (7th of December, 1857) loss of his daring but thoughtful courage, unanimously voted him a pension of £1000 a joined with eminent abilities, is a very heavy year, after fitting tribute had been paid to his one to the country; but it is not more to be services in eloquent language by the Earl of deplored than the loss of the influence which Derby and Earl Granville in one house, and his earnest character, admirable temper, and by Lord Palmerston in the other. It had also gentle, kindly bearing exercised over all withbeen announced that he was to be created a in his reach; an influence which was exerted baronet and K.C.B. One of the first acts of unceasingly for the public good, and of which parliament, when it reassembled in February, the governor-general believes that it may with was to pass a bill settling an annuity of £1000 truth be said there is not a man of any rank upon his widow and on his eldest son, Sir or profession who, having been associated with Henry Marshman Havelock, himself a distin- Sir William Peel in these times of anxiety and guished officer, on whom the baronetcy had danger, has not felt and acknowledged it."
had not been enjoyed by his Colonel Inglis, the brave defender of Luck
father. No sooner was General Havelock's death known than a warm expression of sym
now, was specially mentioned by the queen when her majesty was referring to the necessity of immediately promoting officers for able and distinguished services. Nor were some of our native allies forgotten.
1 Times. Obituary notice of Lord Lawrence, June 28, 1870.