accepted the situation and bided its time, slavery would no doubt to-day have been as safely and strongly entrenched under the Constitution as it was before his election.

This great leader of the Republican party entertained what might be called, to draw it mildly, very conservative views in regard to the social status of the negro. Written by the same hand that formulated the Emancipation Proclamation, these words throw much light upon our present National perplexity. I copy them from one of his speeches made in his campaign with Senator Douglas:

"I will say that I am not nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not or ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office or intermarry with the white people, and I will say in addition that I believe that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which will, I believe, forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live while they remain together there must be the positions of inferior and superior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race."-From Lincoln's Speeches with Douglas.

Continually in Northern newspapers appear articles more or less denunciatory of the South for its alleged bad faith toward the negro.

From the standpoint of these journals the South shows no disposition to treat the matter honestly. An honest concession to the negro of his rights, say these

journals, is the Southerner's duty. No doubt this is theoretically true, and yet, why does the North not practice what it preaches?

It is very cheap demagoguery on the part of Northern statesmen to denounce the people of the South for the disgraceful state of affairs existing in that section. of the Union.

"Let him that is without sin cast the first stone," and the Northern Pharisee, so ready and willing to pick motes from the eyes of his Southern brother might be more profitably employed in extracting beams from his own.

The status of the negro throughout the Northern States is no whit better than it is in the South. He is by public ban prohibited from eating with whites at the dining-tables of all first-class hotels. He has a gallery made for his especial use in the theatres called sneeringly, "the nigger gallery."

He may be a devoted follower of the meek and lowly Saviour, and yet at no communion in any Northern Church can he sit down and break the sacred bread and drink the sacred wine at the first table with white communicants. In every public gathering he is without scruple or delicacy thrust to the rear. Even so distinguished a representative of his race as our present Minister to Hayti, Frederick Douglas, when invited to deliver a lecture in one of the largest cities of the Northwest, one noted for its high culture and also the purity and strength of its Republicanism, was refused entertainment at its leading hotel and a private

citizen was compelled to open his doors to extend to him decent hospitality.

At Saratoga the daughter of an ex-United States Senator was brutally expelled from a public ball-room because it was reported to the manager that in her veins coursed the blood of the hated and despised race, and yet, with these outrages numerous and increasing, Republican newspapers and orators continue to denounce Southern outrages upon the poor despised African.

Close upon the heels of this pharisaical hue and cry about injustice, follows the emigration of Northern people southward to develop latent industries and spread Northern educational influence. And what is the result? Do we find as a fact that wherever Northern emigrants have become established in the South that there is found a determined and systematic effort to overcome this universal prejudice against the negro?

On the contrary this Northern influence, with all its boasted breadth of beam, exhibits itself right the reverse of all this.

At a little settlement in Tennessee made up wholly of religious Northern people, working in God's vineyard under the patronage and protection of a great, liberal, broad-gauged, mission-extending Northern Church, the writer of this found one negro family, consisting of father, mother and child (a little girl of ten), the only black people in the village, and yet this one black father informed the writer of this article that

his one little girl could not and did not attend either the public school or the Sunday school, both being closed against her by Northern people because of her color! And this in a purely Northern settlement, a mission outpost in darker Southdom established purposely to spread the doctrines of Christ!

Again, at a large Southern city, where the influx of Northern capital and people has made it by reputation Republican, there is an asylum for colored waifs established by a Massachusetts woman who is devoting her life and means for the benefit of homeless colored orphans.

It is a magnificent charity, and the writer, after being shown over the premises and hearing fully its objects and purposes, innocently but inquiringly asked: "I suppose in this city, where there is so strong an infusion of so-called Northern blood into its arteries of business, you find that your most zealous encouragement in your work comes from the unprejudiced Northerners?"

"I am

To my astonishment her reply was this: sorry to have the truth as it is, and to be compelled to your query to answer, No."

This grand philanthropic woman is to-day conducting her self-imposed work of charity practically alone, and the social ostracism that Southern "good society" metes out to her because of her necessary association with the blacks, is also endorsed by the Northern crowd who are a majority in the city, and who are so loudly boastful about their great aid in the new South's

grand development. With this state of affairs how pertinent indeed is this author's inquiry: "The question recurs what single substantial ground have we to expect that the negro will ever attain under any circumstances to any sort of fellowship with the white man which is now denied by the white man? In view of the actual past and present conditions, the hope of any measure of success is the dream of a fanatic or fool."

Taking these sentiments of President Lincoln, before quoted, as a fair illustration of Northern feeling when frankly and honestly expressed toward the negro; taking also the social treatment accorded him both North and South before and since the war, and we cannot escape the logic of the situation which is that any attempt to change the feelings of the white race, as a race, toward the black race, is, has been, and must continue to be an ignominious failure.

Who can gainsay then this dictum, that "there is no room for two distinct nations of unlike races in America," or answer otherwise than in the affirmative, "Is not the African race an alien race, whose ultimate assimilation with any white race is neither possible or desirable?"

By the fate of war he, the negro, was lifted to a plane that no party, except perhaps the extreme one, known as Abolitionist, had ever hoped for him or desired. It is preposterous wickedness now for thoughtless political demagogues by innuendo or sneer to try to push him on to fight out alone, with the superior