Изображения страниц
PDF
EPUB

Let this country, recognizing its danger, profit by her example.

To sum it up the case stands thus: Firstly, We must recognize the unavoidable antagonism that exists between the two races. Secondly, We must take cognizance of the fact that unless something is done quickly to remove this antagonism we are in grievous danger.

It is no sign that danger is not near because our socalled statesmen trifle with the question. Whoever believes that the Lodge bill or anything like it is a panacea for the difficulty, illy understands the situation. To declare by law that all citizens may vote, and that all votes shall be properly counted, is one thing; but to see to it that this is done in opposition to the universal sentiment and determination of the white population of any State or States, is another.

A fair illustration of how Northern public sentiment is shaping itself toward this race conflict is fairly presented and expressed by this editorial in a leading Republican journal:

"The attempt to secure for the negro, by Federal action, all the rights of the citizen, has been and must be a failure. It is part of the theory of our government that the individual must assert himself, must take upon himself the righting of his wrongs, if he is to win full political equality. If by defect of character or education or experience he fails to do this, no human being can do it for him. And it is certainly demonstrated that the only effect of trying to do it is to bar more effectually the way to his political emancipation."

"Assert himself!" He must right his own wrongs if he has any! Stripped of all verbiage this advice to the negro means, "You must fight if you expect to win political equality."

On the other hand, to offset this cold, selfish political abandonment by the North, the negro turns to his Southern journals, to get the same counsel though a little more frank and brutally expressed.

From the Charleston News and Courier:

"Killing is not always murder, and violations of law are not always a crime. There is an earlier law than the statutes -the law of self-preservation. That law was the guide and master in South Carolina in 1876, and it will be appealed to whenever there is any danger of a return to the vileness of negro rule."

From the Newton Democrat:

"Mr. Potter and ex-Governor Brown, of Hinds, think the negro can be reasoned into Democracy, and they have been thinking so ever since the war; but for our part we would as soon reason with a shoal of crocodiles or a drove of Ken

tucky mules. And so might they, for all the convictions they have produced in the counties of Hinds and Copiah." From the Yazoo Democrat:

nance.

"Let unanimity of sentiment pervade the minds of men. Let invincible determination be depicted on every counteSend forth from our deliberate assembly of the eighteenth the soul-stirring announcement that Mississippians shall rule Mississippi though the heavens fall. Then will woe, irretrievable woe, betide the radical tatterdemalions. Hit them. hip and thigh, everywhere and at all times. Carry the election peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must."

From the Jackson Comet:

"If there is bloodshed on the 8th of next November, let no colored man say he was not warned in time. If you are satisfied with the government stay at home, for if a conflict should occur you know who will be the victims."

From the Meridian Mercury:

"Rally on the color line, boys, beyond the platform, every man to his color and colors, and make these negro pretenders to govern this great country come down, else put 'em down. What do the young men say to the old men's battle cry in this political campaign: 'Step across the platform, boys, and go for 'em.''

From the Westville (Mississippi) News:

"VOTE THE NEGRO DOWN OR KNOCK HIM DOWN." "Does not the very thought boil the blood in every vein ? Will you still contend that we must not have a white man's party? Away with such false doctrines; we must and will have a white man's party. We have tried policy long enough. We must organize on the color line, disregarding minor considerations. The white man's party is the only salvation for the State. Show the negro his place and make him keep it. If we cannot vote him down, we can knock him down, and the result will be the same. Either the white man or negro will rule this country; they cannot both do it, and it is for the white man to say who the ruler shall be. Let us have a white man's party to rule a white man's country, and do it like white men."

And then the Governor of a great State pours his oil upon the troubled waters! In his inaugural, Governor Tillman said:

"In our own State of South Carolina the triumph of Democracy and white supremacy over mongrelism and anarchy, of civilization over barbarism, has been most com

plete, and it is gratifying to note the fact that this was attended by a political phenomenon which was a surprise to all of us—our colored fellow-citizens absolutely refused to be led to the polls by their bosses. When it is clearly shown that a majority of our colored voters are no longer imbued with Republican ideas, the vexed negro problem will be solved, and the fear of a return of a negro domination will haunt us no more."

There you have it plain and flat. When the negro will quit being a Republican, "the vexed negro problem will be solved."

And again hear him:

"That the colored people have grievances it is idle to deny. That the memory of wrongs and insults heaped by the whites upon the blacks during early years' rule has provoked retaliation and often injustice, is true. It was natural and inevitable. But we owe it to ourselves as a Christian people, we owe it to the good name of the State, which has been blackened thereby and its prosperity retarded, that these things should be stopped.

"We whites have absolute control of the State government and we intend to retain it. The intelligent exercise of the right of suffrage, at once the highest privilege and most sacred duty of the citizen, is as yet beyond the capacity of the vast majority of colored men. We deny that 'all men are created equal.' It is not true now and it was not when Jefferson wrote it. But we cannot deny that it is our duty as the governing power in South Carolina to insure to every individual, black and white, the 'right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.""

Here you have it again, so unmistakably clear that no one need be in doubt as to what is meant. These Christian (?) whites will insure to the blacks the "right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," and they,

As the Governor says,

the whites, will run the rest. so it is, they intend to retain it, the absolute control of the States without any regard to votes.

As this Southern Governor says, so it is and will be unti. the collision between the races comes, and as this Northern journal says, so it is and will be, there will be a time, and that not far distant either, unless something is done to prevent, when the defects of character, education and experience being overcome, the negro will " assert himself," in accordance with this assumed "theory of our government." Would it not be the wisest of statesmanship for politicians, both North and South, to guard against such probable race conflict by organizing at once, either on Southern soil or in the West Indies, a black State or States?

We only outline the probable danger of the future. It should be the business of wise statesmen not to neglect providing in season the proper remedy.

« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »