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WILLIAM PITT (1774)

This, my Lords, though no new doctrine, has always been my received and unalterable opinion, and I will carry it to my grave, that this country had no right under heaven to tax America. It is contrary to all the principles of Justice and civil polity, which neither the exigencies of the State, nor even an acquiescence in the taxes, could justify upon any occasion whatever. Such proceedings will never meet their wished-for success; and instead of adding to their miseries, as the bill now before you most undoubtedly does, adopt some lenient measures which may lure them to their duty; proceed like a kind and affectionate parent over a child whom he tenderly loves, and instead of those harsh and severe proceedings, pass an amnesty on all their youthful errors, clasp them once more in your fond and affectionate arms; and I will venture to affirm you will find these children worthy of their sire. But should their turbulence exist after your professed terms of forgiveness, which I hope and expect this house will immediately adopt, I will be among the foremost of your Lordships to move for such measures as will effectually prevent a future relapse, and make them feel what it is to provoke a fond and forgiving parent! a parent, my Lords, whose welfare has been my greatest and most pleasing consolation. This declaration may seem unnecessary; but I will venture to declare, the period is not far distant, when she will want the assistance of her most distant friends; but should the all-disposing hand of Providence prevent me from affording her my poor assistance, my prayers shall be ever for her welfare.-- Length of days be in her right hand, and in her left riches and honour: may her ways be the ways of pleasantness, and all her paths be peace! †

WILLIAM PITT, EARL OF CHATHAM'S Speech in the House of Lords, 27th day of May, 1774. Chatham's Works, XLI. 292.

↑ The bill for "Quartering Soldiers was passed, notwithstanding the eloquence of Pitt.

JOURNALS OF CONGRESS (1775)

Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, agents, dated, London, February 5th, 1775. We think it proper to inform you, that your cause was well defended by a considerable number of good and wise men in both houses of parliament, though far from being a majority: and that many of the commercial and manufacturing parts of the nation, concerned in the American trade, have presented, or, as we understand, are preparing to present, petitions to parliament, declaring their great concern, for the present unhappy controversies with America, and praying expressly, or in effect, for healing measures, as the proper means of preserving their commerce, now greatly suffering or endangered.

WILLIAM BOLLEN, Journals of Congress (May, 1775). I. 75, 76.

CRITICAL COMMENT

MACAULAY (1844)

Grenville proposed a measure destined to produce a great revolution, the effects of which will long be felt by the whole human race.

We speak of the act for imposing stamp duties on the North American colonies. .. The Stamp Act will be remembered as long as the globe lasts.

In the meantime, every mail from America brought alarming tidings. The crop which Grenville had sown, his successors had now to reap. The colonies were in a state bordering on rebellion. The stamps were burned. The revenue officers were tarred and feathered. All traffic between the discontented provinces and the mother country was interrupted. . . . The Stamp was indefensible, not because it was beyond constitutional competence of Parliament, but because it was unjust and impolitic, sterile of revenue, and fertile of discontents.

T. B. MACAULAY, The Earl of Chatham (Ed. Rev., Oct. 1844).

CHAMBERLAIN (1887)

When the Stamp Act Congress met in New York, October 7th, 1765, that city was the headquarters of the British forces

in America, under the command of General Gage. LieutenantGovernor Colden, then filling the executive chair, was in favour of the act, and resolved to execute it; but the Sons of Liberty expressed different sentiments. The Congress contained men some of whom became celebrated. Timothy Ruggles was chosen speaker, but Otis was the leading spirit. In full accord with him were the Livingstons of New York, Dickinson of Pennsylvania, McKean and Rodney of Delaware, Tilghman of Maryland, and Rutland and the elder Lynch of South Carolina. New Hampshire, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia failed to send delegates, but not for lack of interest in the cause. The Congress prepared a Declaration of Rights and Grievances, an address to the King, a memorial to the House of Lords, and a petition to the House of Commons, and adjourned on October 25th. For a clear, accurate, and calm statement of the position of the colonies these papers were never surpassed; nor, until the appearance of the Declaration of Independence, was any advance made from the ground taken in them.

MELLEN CHAMBERLAIN, The Revolution Impending, in JUSTIN WINSOR, Narrative and Critical History of America. VI. 30–31.

CHAPTER XIII

VIRGINIA BILL OF RIGHTS

SUGGESTIONS

THIS declaration of rights was adopted by a convention that met in Williamsburg, May 6, 1776, and was inserted unchanged in the Virginia State Constitutions of 1830, 1850–51, 1864, and with some modifications in that of 1870. The Bill was drafted by George Mason and was slightly changed in one clause at the instance of James Madison.

This document is chosen as typical of the spirit of defiance shown in the Revolutionary era, and because it stands as an example of State legislation. Every colony became a state by a similar process of alteration in its colonial government. The student of history should comprehend clearly the theory of constitutional state government, which was the child of English common law or citizenship.

In using this work at this point it would be well for the State Constitution of the Commonwealth nearest in interest to the school to be studied.

For Outlines and Material, see Appendix A.

Preston's Documents, 207-209.

Compare

DOCUMENT

A Declaration of Rights (June 12th, 1776)

Made by the Representatives of the good People of Virginia, assembled in full and free Convention, which rights to pertain to them and their posterity as the basis and foundation of government.

I. That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they with Declara- cannot by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty with the means of acquiring and possessing prop

tion of Independence.

erty, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.

II. That all power is vested in, and consequently Oath of Office: derived from, the people; that magistrates are Const. Art. ii. Sect. 1 (8). their trustees and servants, and at all times amen

able to them.

dence.

III. That government is, or ought to be, instiSee Bill of tuted for the common benefit, protection and se- Rights; Act curity of the people, nation, or community; of all of Settlement; also, the various modes and forms of government, that Declaration is best which is capable of producing the greatest of Independegree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, when a government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.

IV. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community but in consideration of public services, which not being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge to be hereditary.

conceived in

V. That the legislative, executive and judicial powers should be separate and distinct; and that The separathe members thereof may be restrained from op- tion of the pression, by feeling and participating the burthens three deof the people, they should, at fixed periods, be partments reduced to a private station, return into that body 1776; Const. from which they were originally taken, and the Arts. i., ii., vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain and regular elections, in which all, or any part of the former members to be again eligible or ineligible, as the laws shall direct.

VI. That all elections ought to be free, and that all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to the com

iii.

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