The Telegraphs of the United States. The mileage of lines and wires, number of offices, and traffic of the Western Union Telegraph Company for each year, from June 30, 1866, to June 30, 1879. 1866 1867 37,380 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 75,686 2,250 46,270 85,291 2,565 5,879,282 $6,568,925 $3,944,006 $2,624,920 19.1 15.4 18.8 There is to be added to the above the lines of the Atlantic and Pacific Telegraph Company, including in its system several railway telegraph connections within the United States, as follows, January 1, 1879: Besides the above, there are many new lines of telegraph which have complied with the Telegraph Act of 1866, and are operating wires with or without connection with railway companies. The following embraces a few only of these, with their mileage: American Rapid Telegraph Company, New York to Boston In fact, the telegraph business in the United States has immeasurably outstripped that of any other country in the world. It is nearly four times as large as that of Austria-Hungary, of Germany, and of Great Britain; nearly three times as large as that of France, and nearly twice as large as that of Russia. The following table gives the exact figures for 1877: But although we are so incomparably ahead of other countries in the extension of our telegraph lines, we do a comparatively small telegraph business when we look at those countries where the telegraph has been put under government control, — England and Belgium, for instance, - and where the rates of messages have consequently been lowered. Thus, while we ought to send off forty million messages per annum in order to be on a par with Belgium, we send off only ten millions. Unable to afford such high rates as our companies ask, we use the telegraph only for the most important matters, and when it is positively unavoidable. It is simply despotism in this manner to levy so high a tax upon the people for their telegraph business, — a despotism which, were it in the nature of a direct tax, a direct extortion, - would at once cause a revolt. Now, it has already been shown that the postal department of the United States is a vastly cheaper carrier of the mails than any private company could furnish. No express company would transmit the letters and papers forwarded through the United States post-office at less than three times the rates now charged; nor should it be forgotten that the economical functions of a national government can attain international dimensions utterly beyond the reach of private corporations. This has been most strikingly illustrated by the establishment of the postal union, before alluded to, by means of which letters can be sent from any one of the twenty-odd countries composing that union to any other, at the low rate of five cents for each half-ounce, a rate three times lower than it was before the establishment of the union, — while smaller messages can be sent by postal-card at a cost of only two cents. Newspaper and other mailable packages are forwarded at a proportionately low charge. Would any private express company undertake the transmission of mail-matter at such prices, say from Missouri to New Zealand or Japan? Assuredly not. And the whole secret lies in this: that these private corporations must pay interest on their bonded indebtedness, and are anxious to declare heavy dividends for the benefit of their stockholders. But what I have here said about the mail applies equally to the telegraphic communications. That also can be operated for the people vastly cheaper, safer, and speedier by the government than by private corporations; and for the same simple reason: that the government conducts its business on the coöperative principle, for the benefit of the whole people, charging no more for its services than will pay expenses.1 But there are other considerations why the national government should assume control of the telegraph business of the republic. Firstly, as I propose the establishment of a State and national police system, it will become absolutely necessary that the telegraphic communications between all parts of the republic should be controlled exclusively by the government, for the protection of its citizens against fraud and violence, and for the arrest of all guilty parties. At the same time, since the State itself will become the sole maker of money, leaving gold and silver, in their natural condition, to become mere articles of commerce, - in which condition they will soon sink down to their real value, the post and the telegraph will also become the means of regulating exchanges all over the country. This will have the effect of making exchange nearly par all over the United 1 Practically, this has already been shown by the experience of England and Belgium. In both countries the telegraph lines have been put under government control, and the result has been that messages are transmitted now at one-third of the price formerly levied by private corporations, and with far greater speed and promptitude. States; the slight expense which may occur in balancing the exchanges, by the forwarding of actual money, going into the general expense account of this department, just the same as the printing of the notes, etc. Ultimately, arrangements may also be made with foreign governments to transfer exchanges in this manner, by post or telegraph, through the international clearing-house. But besides the use government will make of the telegraph for its money and police affairs, it ought to have control over it for the use of its signal-service bureau, which is steadily extending its operations and observations into every nook and corner of the country. Again, it is absolutely necessary that the government should exercise that control for the sake of its military operations in times of war and public disturbances. This is indeed so evident, that it only needs to be stated to be acknowledged. But there is yet another, and even worse feature of despotism about this telegraph monopoly, that absolutely demands the interference of the government. It is this: Being a vehicle of news, the telegraph has and exercises unchecked control over the press and over the publication of news generally. So far as the news generally is concerned, it permits the controllers of the telegraph to speculate on all the political and commercial news that may affect the prices, - to withhold, change, or even fabricate dispatches that may involve the fortunes of thousands. No company, no set of men, should be intrusted with such wide-reaching power. 66 So far as the newspapers of the country are concerned, they are absolutely at the mercy of this monopoly. If they murmur against it, up go the rates, which, to the newspaper, is the same as off with its head." Insubordination is thus punished with instant death. And as, under my proposed system of government, a daily national newspaper is to be published, this is a further reason why the publication and transmission of news should not be left to selfish private corporations. Sooner or later this monopoly must come to an end, and we might as well grapple with it at once. It is the prerogative and duty of the government to take control of all the telegraph lines in the country, or build new ones, and operate them for the exclusive benefit of the people at large. CHAPTER III. PUBLIC ROADS. The division of our country everywhere into counties, townships, sections, etc., of regular figure, rare instances excepted, has itself regulated the laying out of highways and roads. Every road should be kept in constant repair and cleanliness, so that the traffic of commerce along the roads in wagons may suffer as little obstruction as possible from the condition of the soil, and that the health of travellers and residents along the road may not be impaired by clouds of dust or the evaporation of stagnant mud-holes. The double lines of trees along each side of the road will materially contribute to the health and comfort of travellers, and at proper intervals fountains should be put up and places arranged for watering horses and droves of cattle. Every public highway should be put under the constant supervision of road-inspectors, who must have power to remedy any defect occurring in the condition of the roads, from any cause whatever, without the least delay; and the absurd custom of leaving the construction and repairing of roads to the more or less voluntary action of the adjoining landholders must be abolished in every State of the Union. Under this wretched system the adjoining farmers, acting under the influence of that vis inertice which is the bane of human nature, leave their roads for years in the same miserable condition, and one landlord after another will pass over a rotten bridge, or drive over a deep gully, at the risk of the necks of all who occupy his wagon, and of that wagon itself and the horses that draw it, rather than spend an hour in remedying the nuisance. He will kill off horse after horse rather than spend a little money to make a decent dry road out of one which, throughout the year, has two and three feet of dry or wet mud, for the passage of his heavy grainwagons. Hence the necessity of such government inspectors. They must have absolute power to engage paid laborers. They must order the making of bridges, durably built, and of a construction to harmonize with the landscape, wherever they shall be necessary, and keep them in constant repair. They must watch and protect the trees along the roads, and be clothed with sufficient police-power to enforce order on the highway. A system of telegraphic communi |