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and conveniently stationed, for that purpose. This celebrated armament, to which the Spaniards had given the name of the invincible armada, commanded by the Duke de Medina Cœli, sailed from the Tagus the 3d June, 1588.

The whole nation was in an alarm at the prospect of a Spanish invasion. Elizabeth, with the heroism of a Boadicea, put herself at the head of her army, professing her firm purpose to lead them herself into the field, and rather to perish in battle, than survive the ruin and slavery of her people. "Let tyrants fear," said she," I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and goodwill of my subjects. I know I am but a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of England too; and think foul scorn that Parma, or Spain, or any prince in Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realms."

The Spanish armada had been but a few days at sea, when a violent storm damaged their ships, and dispersed them in such a manner, that they were unable to rejoin until they reached the Groine, which was appointed for their first place of rendezvous. On their arrival in the channel, they were attacked by the English fleet, commanded by admiral lord Howard, who had under him Drake, Frobisher, and Hawkins, the most able seamen of the age. The result was that the Spanish fleet, defeated and harassed for several days, at last anchored off Calais in so shattered a state, that the Prince of Parma would not embark the troops under his command; considering it to be no less than exposing them to certain destruction. The armada, being constantly annoyed by the English, who sent their fire ships among them, and did incredible damage, the Spanish admiral, as well as the prince of Parma, found invasion impracticable. The whole fleet, therefore, steered to the northward, was pursued by the English, and suffered so much from tempests, that the duke of Medina returned to Spain with only sixty, out of a hundred and thirty ships, of which his fleet originally consisted. On this occasion a medal was struck, with this motto, " Afflavit Deus et dissipantur." Philip, as soon as he heard of the disastrous

event, fell on his knees, and rendering thanks, expressed his joy that the calamity was no greater. The Spanish priests, who had frequently foretold the infallible success of this holy crusade, perplexed to account for the victory which had been gained over the Catholic monarch by excommunicated heretics, at last discovered that all the calamities of the Spaniards had proceeded from their allowing the infidel Moors to live among them. The first English newspaper, entitled the "English Mercurie," was printed during the time of the Spanish armada; the first number, dated the 23d of July, 1588, is still preserved in the British Museum. The Spaniards lost above 10,000 men in this expedition. The event of it inspired the English nation with such confidence, that their fleets, instead of dreading the naval power of Spain, began to carry the war to her own shores, and to attack her maritime provinces in every part of the globe.

It is impossible to form any conjecture with regard to the extent of the danger to which England would have been exposed, if the Spaniards had made good their landing, with the whole force which they intended to bring into the field. The Spanish army could not have consisted of more than 50,000 men. This number does not appear sufficient to have accomplished the conquest of England. It is, however, well known, that the queen and her council were under no small apprehension of the event. The most judicious as well as vigorous measures were adopted, for the defence of the kingdom; but it does not appear that the whole national force exceeded 90,000 men, which was about double that of the enemy.* But it must be considered that the Spanish troops, especially those in the low countries under the prince of Parma, were all veterans, and universally acknowledged to be the best soldiers in Europe, and that prince the most accomplished general. Her majesty's council therefore, wisely considering the dangerous consequences that might result from hazarding the fate of the kingdom, on the doubtful event of a battle, gave orders that, wherever the Spaniards might land, every thing of value

* Tindal's Notes on Rapin, vol. ii. p. 135.

or use should be removed, and the country laid waste, so that they might obtain no provisions, except such as they had brought with them for the expedition. The fears of government were soon dispelled by the spirit of patriotism which seemed to pervade all classes of the people, and the alacrity with which the nation brought forward its resources. The only circumstance which threatened to be fatal to the kingdom, was the naval superiority of Spain; for if the Spaniards had remained masters of the seas, Philip might, and undoubtedly would, have poured army after army into England, until he had accomplished the conquest of the country, or rendered it an entire scene of desolation. The defeat of this tremendous armament ensured not only the immediate, but also the future safety of the island; for the ill success of that expedition gave a mortal wound to the superiority of Spain on the ocean, then so formidable to all Europe; while it laid the foundation of the naval greatness of England.

This was the great crisis of Elizabeth's reign. From this important epoch she rose superior to all difficulties. By a train of skilful negotiations with foreign states, she so regulated the balance of Europe, as to give her liberty to encourage navigation, promote the commerce, and regulate the internal policy of her dominions. The depression of Spain, the increase of the English navy, and the extension of commerce, were the main objects of her politics."

The various changes taking place in the commercial, as well as the political state of Europe, at this period, required a multiplicity of new regulations. Every kind of profit on the loan of money, had, by the church, been invariably condemned as unlawful. Usury, however, which was formerly a term of the same import with the present idea of interest, although considered as sinful, was every where practised; and in many cases gave rise to most extravagant extortion. As this was not less prejudicial to the public, than moderate interest is conducive to commercial advantage, the extravagant usury of the Jews, who sometimes extorted thirty, forty, or even fifty per cent. from their debtors, formed always one of the principal complaints of the nation against that people. The

Jews, however, were long tolerated in England by the Norman princes, whose power over them was considered as absolute. Their lives and fortunes being at the king's disposal, their wealth served as a resource in any extraordinary emergency. They were suffered to fleece the people, and the government fleeced them at its pleasure. The first law in England authorising the taking of interest, was enacted in the thirty-seventh Henry VIII. which limited it to ten per cent. This statute, however, was repealed by the reformers of the reign of Edward VI. but in that of Elizabeth, legislators were more enlightened. That princess, superior to the superstitions of former ages, and considering the vast quantities of money or bullion brought into the country by an extended commerce, resolved to remove every impediment to the free circulation of the national wealth. In the thirteenth of her reign, an act was passed reviving that of Henry, allowing interest to be taken, and limiting it to ten per cent.

England was now making rapid strides towards universal commerce. The last day of the seventeenth century was signalized by the formation of the English East India Company. Until that time, the Oriental trade had been in the hands of the Portuguese, who were then subject to Spain. Factories were then established, by the English, in the islands of Amboyna, Sumatra, and Java, as well as in India, China, and Japan. It would be impossible minutely to trace the extension of commerce, or the growth and multiplication of manufactures, in all their varieties and ramifications. Knives were first made in England by Thomas Matthews, of London, about A. D. 1563; and, in 1577, pocket watches were introduced from Germany. The prodigious increase of trade, causing a proportionate influx of money, an unprecedented luxury was introduced. Splendid feasts were also much in fashion, and great improvements were made in the style of building. In remoter times, and particularly those of Henry II. Edward III. and Richard II. the luxury of the great was not less extravagant, than in the reign of Elizabeth. But it was then confined to a narrower circle, and could only be displayed by the prelates, nobles, or a few opulent citizens.

In the age now under contemplation, wealth began to be more diffused; and luxury, in consequence, more visible among the other classes of society. The condition of the lower orders of the people was still far from being enviable; for the feudal bondage was not entirely abolished. In the year 1574, the queen granted a commission to the lord treasurer, to compound with the bond men and bond women attached to the manors, belonging to the crown; and to grant them freedom for such sums of money as might be agreed on between the parties. The revenues of the crown were, during this reign, augmented to nearly 200,000l. per annum; more than three times their amount in that of Henry V. About the year 1580, coaches were first introdueed by the earl of Arundel.

As commerce and wealth increased, the suburbs of London were greatly extended, and either through apprehensions excited by the frequent returns of the plague, or some other reason, the queen, by the advice of her council, published a proclamation A. D. 1550, prohibiting the erection of any new buildings within three miles of the gates of the city, and forbidding more than one family to inhabit each house. In 1593, the parliament passed an act of the same import, with an additional clause, prohibiting the inclosure of the common and waste grounds within three miles of London. This last clause seems to indicate, that the prevention of diseases, by keeping up a free circulation of air, was the object of those prohibitions.

In regard to foreign affairs, and to every thing relating to the navigation and commerce of her subjects, the reign of Elizabeth exhibits a masterly system of politics; but she was not friendly to liberty. The examples of her predecessors may be alleged as some excuse for her conduct; but it is certain that she adhered too much to their maxims. In religious matters, her conduct was too much marked with intolerance, and, in this respect, bore too great a resemblance to that of her father and sister, Henry VIII. and Mary. The laws for enforcing conformity, and denying to the puritans liberty of conscience, the birthright of every rational being,

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