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of heart, outwardly companionable where he in- giving him battle without delay. So abhorred was wardly hated."

Ten atrocious crimes are laid to Richard's charge -the murder of Prince Edward, of Henry, and of Clarence; the execution of Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan; the murder of the two princes in the Tower; and, finally, the murder of his own queen and cousin, the Lady Anne Neville, whom he had wedded in his twentieth year.

The strong party that existed against him after the murder of the children proposed a union of the Houses of York and Lancaster, by a marriage between Henry, Earl of Richmond, and Elizabeth of York. Henry was the great-great-grandson of John of Gaunt, through his mother, Margaret Beaufort; and Elizabeth was the eldest daughter of the late King Edward IV. : and this union boded evil to the usurper, around whose throne the clouds were lowering. His gold was spent, his power was tottering, and the fidelity of his adherents was beginning to fail, when news came that Harry of Richmond had unfurled his banner against him.

The earl set sail from Harfleur, in Normandy, with a small force, only 2,000 strong, furnished by the King of France; and Philip de Comines, the quaint old "Lord of Argenton,” says that he never saw troops more wretched than those designed to change the dynasty of England. After six days sailing, they landed on the 6th of August, without opposition, at Milford Haven, in Wales, where Richmond, who hoped the people would regard him as a countryman, expected many to join his standard.

Richard III., who knew not in what quarter to expect the invader, had established his headquarters at Nottingham, the centre of England, with the intention of marching at once to the point of danger. Sir Rice Ap Thomas and Sir Walter Herbert, to whom he had entrusted the care of Wales, proved faithless to him. The latter made little or no opposition to Richmond, and the former openly joined him, with many men of Wales, on which, says Hall, he was promised the chief governorship of that principality. Thus reinforced, the earl marched to Shrewsbury, where Sir Gilbert Talbot, with his ward, the young earl of that title, joined him with 2,000 men, vassals and retainers of the house of Talbot.

In the vanity of his power, Richard had deemed the landing of Richmond a species of bravado, a rash attempt which he should easily crush; but when he heard that Herbert had suffered him to pass, that Thomas had joined him, and that all Wales was in his interest, he saw the necessity of

the usurper, that scarcely a noble or man of distinction was sincerely attached to his interests except the Duke of Norfolk. All who feigned the most loyalty were only waiting a safe opportunity to betray or desert him for ever. The persons of whom he entertained the greatest suspicion were the Lord Stanley and his brother, Sir William. Thus, when he empowered the former to levy troops for him, he retained his eldest son, the Lord Strange, as a hostage for his fidelity. Stanley raised a great body of men in Lancashire and Cheshire, but without openly declaring his political views; and though Henry of Richmond had received secret assurances of his friendly intentions, he knew not what to infer from his equivocal behaviour.

The two rivals at last drew near each other at Market Bosworth, not far from the town of Leicester.

A quaint gable-ended edifice, with its upper story projecting on beams of timber over the Northgate Street, was long pointed out as being the house in which Richard spent "one or more nights" before the battle of Bosworth. It was locally known as the "Blue Boar," or "King Richard III.'s Inn," and overhanging windows admitted the light into the room where he is said to have had a ter rible dream on a night before the battle; "for it seemed to him," says Holinshed, "that he did see divers images like terrible devils, which pulled and haled him, not suffering him to take any quiet or rest. The which strange vision not so suddenly strake his heart with a sudden fear, but it stuffed his head and troubled his mind with many busy and dreadful imaginations. And lest it might be suspected that he was abashed for fear of his enemies, and for that cause looked so piteously, he recited and declared to his familiar friends in the morning his wonderful vision and fearful dream."

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In the corporation records of Leicester, there is still preserved a story curiously illustrative of the darkness and precaution of Richard's character. Among his camp baggage it was his custom to carry a cumbersome wooden bedstead, which he averred was the only couch he could sleep in; but in which he contrived to have a secret receptacle for treasure, so that it was concealed under a weight of timber. After Bosworth Field the troops of Henry pillaged Leicester; but the royal bed was neglected by every plunderer as useless lumber. The owner of the house afterwards discovering the hoard, became suddenly rich, without any visible cause. He bought land, and at length became

Bosworth.]

ARMOUR OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

Mayor of Leicester. Many years afterwards his widow, who had been left in great affluence, was assassinated by her servant, who had been privy to the affair; and at the trial of this culprit and her accomplices the whole transaction came to light. Concerning this bed, a public print of 1830 states that, “about half a century since, the relic was purchased by a furniture-broker in Leicester, who slept in it for many years, and showed it to the curious; it continues in as good condition, apparently, as when used by King Richard, being formed of oak, and having a high polish. The daughter of the broker having married one Babington, of Rothley, near Leicester, the bedstead was removed to Babington's house, where it is still preserved."

On the 22nd of August, 1485, the armies of Richard and of the future Henry VII. appeared in order of battle on the plain then called Redmore, three miles from Bosworth and eleven from Leicester. The site of the battle and most of the surrounding country was then unenclosed. It is undulating, and was then probably scrubby heath.

On Richard's left was Stoke Golden, with its church; and on his right and in front lay Sutton Cheney, with its church. The town of Bosworth was on Henry's left, a morass was on his right, and Shanton lay in his rear. A little stream, oddly called the Tweed, half encircled the position of both. When Richard marshalled his army at Nottingham, in the market-place, on the 16th of August, it was 12,000 strong. He moved them next day to Leicester, though twenty-five miles distant, choosing rather to rest after a fatiguing march than to fight after an easy one. Their order of march, says Hutton, was five abreast, and Richard was gorgeously dressed, upon a white courser ("White Surrey?"), richly caparisoned, and attended by his body-guards. On the day of the battle he appeared in the same suit of armour he wore at Tewkesbury; perhaps the same which is now preserved in the Tower of London.

157 linen-cloth doublets, the latter generally white, with St. George's Cross on them, with long hose, were the general dress of archers, bill-men, and ghisarmiers; and their head-piece was a round pot-helmet or skull-cap of iron.

The banner of Henry's army was of yellow tiretaine (a mixture of linen and woollen stuff), whereon was painted a dun cow.

Richard's camp was the most extensive, and, with the breastwork around it, covered eighteen acres. Henry's covered seven. He had his 2,000 French, 2,000 men that were brought by Talbot, and with those that had joined him under Griffith, Morgan, Ap Thomas, Hungerford, Bouchier, Byron, Digby, Hardwick, and others, his force could not have been less than 7,000 men. Lord Stanley had 5,000 in the field, Sir William Stanley 3,000. These two last leaders, with their 8,000 men, were hovering about the field at a little distance, to the great perplexity of both armies, as it was not quite apparent which they meant to join. They were simply waiting the issue.

Sir Simon Digby, having penetrated into Richard's camp at night, at the utmost peril of his life, brought Henry word at daybreak that he was preparing for battle. Instantly on this his trumpets sounded "To arms!" This was at four in the morning; but so much preparation was necessary in those days of ponderous accoutrements, that Henry's forces were not engaged till ten.

Richard marched out first, and left his tents standing. His first line was led by Richard Howard, Duke of Norfolk, a faithful veteran, assisted by his son, Thomas, Earl of Surrey; the second line he led in person, conspicuous by the royal crown upon his helmet. On the right of this line was a large body, under Henry, Earl of Northumberland.

For lack of strength, Henry of Richmond's front was very slender, and spread far out to make a show. His first line was led by John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who had joined him in France. The armour of this period was splendid. The The right wing was commanded by Sir Gilbert knee and elbow-pieces were fan-shaped, and of the Talbot; the left by Sir John Savage; Henry led most elaborate workmanship. Richard, in his the second line, assisted by his uncle, Jasper Tudor; letter from York, expressly orders three coats of and therein were what De Mezeray calls "the arms "beaten with fine gold, for our own person." | broken companies" that had served in Normandy The salade and gorget of fine steel were still worn, the former surmounted by the wearer's crest, surrounded by a wreath of his colours, with a feather at the side. At Bosworth, Richard wore a crown above his helmet. The sword was then belted so as to hang almost in front; the dagger hung where the Scottish Highlanders still wear it, at the right hip. Leather jacks, or jazarine jackets, and short

the 2,000 French auxiliaries, under Bernard, a Scottish captain of Free Lances. In both armies the order of battle was nearly the same. The archers of each were in front, the bill-men in the rear, the horse upon the wings.

Hutton records that Richard was rather smallabout five feet four in stature. Henry was in his twenty-seventh year, and measured five feet nine:

he was slender in form, of a saturnine countenance, with yellow hair and grey eyes. Richard was brave, and well versed in war; Henry was a coward, but had the best leaders. While Lord Stanley was forming his men, the former, who was by no means satisfied with his mysterious conduct, sent to him Sir Robert Brakenbury, with the dreadful message, "My lord, the king salutes you. He commands your immediate attendance, with all your forces, or your son, the Lord Strange, dies instantly!"

blew the march of death, and all moved into the plain."

The two first lines shot their arrows thick and fast, and then closed together in the shock of battle, with axe and sword, maul and ghisarma. Henry's army fought with spirit and valour, knowing that they must conquer or die, for if the field was lost a merciless fate awaited the survivors; while the troops of Richard were cold in his cause, and forced into his service.

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Struck with horror though he was, Stanley replied, "Should the king stain his honour with my son's blood, tell him I have more. I shall come at my convenience."

Giving up his hostage son for lost, he dispatched a Knight of the Bath, Sir Reginald Bray, to press Henry to advance with all speed. In the meantime, his answer so enraged the tyrant that the latter exclaimed, ""Tis a false pretence. He is a traitor, and the boy dies!" The block was brought out, and Catesby was ordered to see the youth beheaded, when Lord Ferrars, of Chartley, K.G., interposed and saved him. Richard "revoked the order, nor had he further time, for Henry now unfurled his banners, his trumpets

The Earl of Oxford formed his ranks closer and more dense. In this battle were Sir John Byron and Sir Gervase Clifton, K.B., the latter of whom had been knighted by Richard at his coronation. They were intimate friends and neighbours, both being of Nottinghamshire; but, by the fatality of the times and variety of interests, Byron fought under the banner of Henry, while Clifton served Richard. They had mutually registered a solemn vow that, if either of them was taken or should happen to fall, the survivor was to intercede with the victor for his family. In the shock of the first lines, Clifton was unhorsed and struck down. Byron saw him fall, and rushed forward to guard him with his shield, and asked him to surrender.

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of outflanking Oxford's right; but then Lord Stanley | now of his desperate situation after Stanley's open came into action at that place with his 5,000 men, and the strife became equal.

In the battles of those days there was not the majesty of sound produced by the thunder of a powerful artillery, nor the rattling fire of masses of infantry, but only the tardy din of a few small guns. "Instead, there were the loud war-cries of the combatants, with the counterbalancing advantage of the absence of smoke, so as not to impede the

defection, cast his eyes around the field, and, descrying his rival at no great distance, drew against him with fury." As they had never seen each other, this is barely probable. Hutton and others tell us that at half-past eleven, after the battle had raged for an hour and half, a scout informed Richard that at that particular moment Henry was posted behind an eminence, with but few attendants.

Fired by the news, Richard galloped up the slope, and on Henry being pointed out to him, he exclaimed, "I see the man; let all who are true knights follow me!"

He dashed the spurs into his horse, threw away his lance, and resolving to trust to his sword only, drew it, and fell on the group about Henry, who, with all his timidity, was not slow to meet him with terrible fury.

[Stoke-Bardolph.

gate of the house he occupied in Leicester, and which ran—

"Jacky of Norfolk be not too bold,

For Dickon thy master is bought and sold." Immediately after the battle, the Earl of Richmond fell on his knees, returned thanks to God, and then to the leaders of his army, for that victory which made him King of England and Lord of Ireland. The loss of the victors was small.

One blow of Richard's sword hewed down Sir William Brandon, who bore Richard's body was found on the field stripped Henry's private banner, which was a red dragon quite nude, pierced with many a ghastly wound, on green and white silk, the emblem of Cadwalla- and rolled in blood and dirt. It was thrown thus, der, the last of the Ancient British kings, and with the head on one side and the legs on the other, paternal ancestor to Henry. He unhorsed by an- | across a horse by Blanche Sanglier, a pursuivant-atother blow a tall and powerful knight, named Sir arms, conveyed to Leicester, and was there barbaJohn Cheney; and, with the spirit of a hero grow-rously and ignominiously exposed in public for two ing into the fury of a madman, hewed his way towards Henry. But Sir William Stanley now came into the field at the head of all his troops, and surrounded Richard, who, overwhelmed by numbers, after fighting like a lion, and having the royal crown struck from his helmet in the fray, fell at last covered with wounds, about fifteen minutes after the time he rode up the hill.

His troops now gave way, and a general flight and pursuit ensued; while the crown of Richard, which had rolled under a hawthorn bush, was placed by Lord Stanley on the head of the victor, Richmond, from that day known as Henry VII.

With Richard there fell the Duke of Norfolk, who is said to have been warned of the intention of the two Stanleys, by a distich fixed to the

days, during which it was subjected to shameful insults by the populace. It was afterwards buried privately in the abbey church, where a tomb of variegated marble was erected by the victor above his grave. After the Reformation it was buried among the rubbish of the ruined and defaced abbey. For years afterwards briars and thorns covered the grave, till one day it was discovered, and the stone coffin abstracted, to be converted into a drinkingtrough for the "White Horse" inn, in the Gallow-tree Gate of Leicester. When Hutton, in 1758, made a special journey there "to see this trough which had been the repository of one of the most singular bodies that ever existed," he found that it had been destroyed in the time of George I., and made into steps for a cellar.

CHAPTER XIX.

STOKE-BARDOLPH, 1487-SEA-FIGHTS, 1489, 1490.

STOKE-BARDOLPH.

Ir is very probable that a portion of the campdefences at Bosworth were pavisades, which were still in fashion. These were mantelets, or great shields, capable of covering a man from head to foot, and of sufficient thickness to resist most of the missiles that were in use up to the middle of the fifteenth century. According to Froissard, pavisades were used long before the reign of Philip Augustus; and Père Daniel, the Jesuit, in his "Histoire de Milice Française," describes them as bearing the figure of a shield; but the Chevalier Folard, in his "Commentaire sur Polybe," informs us that they were mantelets which were disposed in parallel or oblique lines from the camp to the nearest

work belonging to the corps de place, behind which the soldiers could in safety make a small fosse, which was sufficiently deep to keep them straight and firm. The next form of shield was the rondelle; but in Talbot's "Ordinances for the Army," in 1419, it is ordered in England that every "ii yeomen make them a good pavise of bordes, in the beste manner they cane devise, that one may hold it whiles that other doth shute."

After Bosworth, England sorely wanted repose and peace; but there were remnants of contest and disaffection yet to be crushed, and the reign of the victor, then Henry VII., was a troubled one, and was peculiarly the age of impostures. The

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