tence was then read, condemning him as a traitor and betrayer of his country.

The grief and indignation of the nation was intense, and several of the foreign courts even threatened war to avenge the dignity of insulted majesty; but all was of no avail, the country and government were both in the power of the army, and on the 30th of January, 1649, within three days after the sentence was passed, he was executed at Whitehall. When he had ascended the scaffold, Charles calmly addressed those who stood near : he said that he was happy in being called upon to suffer in defence of the laws and liberties of England; that there was only one thing which pressed heavily upon his soul, and this was the death of Strafford, for which he acknowledged he suffered justly. He then explained how the liberty of the subject did not so much consist in having a part in the government, as in the enjoyment of good laws, under which the life and property of each individual might be the most secure. Sirs," said he, "it was for

this defence of the laws that I am now come here. If I would have yielded to an arbitrary way for to have all laws changed according to the power of the sword, I needed not to have come here, and therefore I tell you that I am the martyr of the people."" In this Charles spoke correctly; justice and law had fled the land, and we behold this act of supreme vengeance as but the prelude to a state of tyranny and oppression, "compared to which all the illegal practices of former kings, all that had cost Charles his life and crown, appeared but as dust in the balance."*

After having finished his speech, Charles laid his head on the block, and stretching out his hands for the signal, one blow of the axe terminated his existence. A deep murmur arose from the assembled multitude, and many men ran forward to dip their handkerchiefs in his blood as in that of a martyr, but two troops of cavalry which had been stationed below the scaffold were then put in motion to clear the streets. Thus perished Charles Stuart by a sentence unexampled in the annals of history. Had he lived at a different age of the world, or succeeded to the throne under different circumstances, he might have reigned with popularity, and even admiration. He was learned, generous, and brave, but it was his misfortune to succeed at a time when the exalted notions of prerogative were doomed to give way,,-when the nation was gradually awaking from the lethargy of centuries, and a more extended idea of the subject's liberty was gaining ground. "Men," says M. Cousin," only desire as much liberty as they can con

*Hallam, Const. Hist. ii. ch. x.

+ Tracts of the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, No. 1, Justice and Charity, by M. Cousin.

ceive, and for many ages are content to live under the form of liberty which suffices to them;" but intelligence and learning had, during the last century, been spreading throughout Europe, and more especially in England, which in point of science and genius at this time was surpassed by no other country. Those speculative reasonings on government, politics, religion, and laws, which the revival of classic learning had induced, and which were in the preceding century the sole property of the most exalted minds, now became the common stock of intelligence, and influenced the tone of public opinion. Men were no longer content with the amount of liberty their ancestors possessed, and aimed at a state of greater perfection. Charles unfortunately had no true perception of the position in which he was placed, and wanted that political prudence which should have taught him to yield to the necessity of the times, and rather to abandon a little of that power which he conceived to be his right, than by obstinately maintaining it to its utmost extent, to risk its entire deprivation. Surrounded by difficulties which he could neither foresee nor prevent, he was frequently driven to make concessions, which he considered inconsistent with his duty as an absolute prince and vicegerent of the Deity: since therefore he conceived he could not lawfully grant them, he considered that he was entitled to revoke them without any breach of honour or integrity, and hence originated that fatal misconception of the validity of oaths when extorted by compulsion, which finally proved his ruin.

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