Изображения страниц
PDF
EPUB

regard to matters which have at any time undergone discussion at Cabinet meetings, depends in a great measure upon accidental circumstances. When there is an opportunity for frequent personal intercourse amongst those who take a prominent part in Cabinet Councils, it may happen that little or nothing is committed to writing at the time. But it was the usual practice with Sir Robert Peel to bring before his colleagues his particular Minisviews in regard to great public questions, upon which he desired to have a decision of the Cabinet, by means of randums. written memorandums. These papers were generally

[ocr errors]

read by himself at a meeting of the Cabinet, and afterwards sent in circulation amongst the members of the Government. The best opportunity was thus afforded for a mature consideration of statements made, and of arguments adduced, in support of measures proposed for consideration, and the most effectual precaution taken against misconstruction, and hasty, inconsiderate decision.' This practice has been generally followed, not only by Prime Ministers, but by subordinate members of the Cabinet, who have been desirous of calling the attention of their colleagues to important matters that have required careful statement or explanation. Such papers are circulated amongst ministers by means of Cabinet despatch boxes,' to which every Cabinet minister possesses a master-key."

terial

memo

Ministers

It sometimes happens that a member of the adminis- Other tration, being a Privy Councillor, but without a seat in the Cabinet, is called upon to attend a meeting of the attend a Cabinet, in order that he may express his views upon Cabinet. some question which intimately concerns his own department. Thus, Lord Castlereagh, when Chief Secretary to

* Peel, Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 97. 1 Ibid. p. 99.

Ibid. pp. 184, 194. Donne, Corresp. Geo. III., vol. ii. p. 134. Haydn, Book of Dignities, 8 n.Occasionally documents which are

intended to be perused by Cabinet
ministers only, are confidentially
printed at the Foreign Office, to avoid
the necessity for multiplying manu-
script copies for that purpose. Hans.
Deb. vol. clxvi. p. 711.

meeting of

The Prime

Minister in the Cabinet.

the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, was invited to confer with ministers upon Irish questions, in September 1800, and again early in the following year." If the occasion be one of peculiar gravity and importance, a summons should be issued by the proper officer directing certain persons to attend a committee of the Privy Council, for certain specified purposes; which committee should consist of the Cabinet ministers and the other privy councillors whose attendance is required. The report of this committee should be made to the sovereign in Council. But when a mere informal interview is sought by Cabinet Ministers with a colleague in office, he would simply be invited to be present at a sitting of the Cabinet. Unless some arrangement of this kind be adopted, a department presided over by a minister who is not of the Cabinet is unable to take the opinion of the Cabinet upon any matter, except by means of a written memorandum, to be presented to his colleagues in council by the Home Secretary; a proceeding which does not always obtain for the question a full and satisfactory consideration.P

The position of the Prime Minister towards the Cabinet is peculiar. Although he is the head of the administration, and necessarily its most important and influential member, yet he meets all his colleagues in council upon a footing of perfect equality. At meetings of the Cabinet, the only one who has precedence over his fellows is in fact the president of the council. But inasmuch as the entire responsibility for the Government devolves on the First Minister of the Crown, he naturally must possess a degree of weight and authority in council which is not shared by any other member. Ordinary questions may be put to the vote, and decided by a majority adverse to the opinion of the Prime Minister. But if he chooses,

Edinb. Review, vol. ciii. p. 350.
See also Report, Com. on Education,
Commons' Papers, 1865, vol. vi.
Evid. 2395.

Corresp. Will. IV. with Earl

q

Grey, vol. i. p. 399.

P Rep. Com. on Education, 1865. Evid. 667, 668.

Corresp. Will. IV. with Earl Grey, vol. i. pp. 431, 433.

he may insist upon the Cabinet deciding in any matter in accordance with his own particular views; otherwise he has the power, by his own resignation of office, to dissolve the ministry. In case of irreconcilable differences with his colleagues, he may require their resignation or a dissolution of the Cabinet.'"

[ocr errors]

The elder Pitt, who had been all-powerful as Prime Minister during the reign of George II., was obliged when George III. ascended the throne to submit his measures to the Cabinet. Being out-voted therein, on the question of war with Spain, he resigned office, declaring that he would not remain in a situation which made him responsible for measures he was no longer allowed to guide.' t

In 1797, during the premiership of the younger Pitt, he submitted to the Cabinet the expediency of renewing an attempt to bring about a peace with France. The Cabinet were divided upon the question. Lord Grenville and Mr. Windham were decidedly averse to any overtures of the kind. But Pitt was resolved, and it became Grenville's duty, as Secretary of State, to make the proposal to the French minister."

But it is not usual for the Prime Minister to proceed to extremity with the Cabinet, until he is convinced that there is no other alternative between enforcing the adoption of his own views and his retirement from office. For 'a compromise is the natural result of all differences between men in official stations under a constitutional Government; it is so even where they are not coequal in authority."

At the time of the failure of the Irish potato crop, in the autumn of 1845, Sir Robert Peel, who was then Prime Minister, advocated in the Cabinet the opening of the ports for the admission of foreign corn, and the temporary repeal of the duties on the importation of corn; but having the support of three only of his colleagues, he was overruled, and did not insist upon it. Several weeks later, the necessity becoming more urgent, Sir Robert Peel

[merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

The Prime
Minister
and the
Cabinet.

again advised the adoption of this policy; but could not induce his colleagues to agree with him. Whereupon he resigned office; and as it was impossible to form an administration from amongst his late colleagues, Lord John Russell was sent for by the queen. His endeavours to form a ministry also failed. Her majesty then requested Sir Robert Peel to withdraw his resignation, which he agreed to do, and reconstructed his Cabinet by selecting for his colleagues men who were willing to co-operate with him in carrying out his policy; claiming for himself, as the Minister of England,' the 'unfettered power' of judging of those measures which he believed the public interests to require."

On April 23, 1863, the sum of 50,000l. was voted in committee of supply towards the expense of a national memorial, or monument, to the memory of the late Prince Consort. It was understood that this would be the extent of the pecuniary assistance to be granted by Parliament towards this undertaking. But at the same time the Premier (Lord Palmerston) promised the committee of construction that the Government would give them sufficient old gun-metal for the bronze work of the intended structure. Not being immediately wanted, there was no application made to the Treasury or War department for this gun-metal until 1865, when the memorial having reached the stage at which the metal was required it was applied for. Lord Palmerston then consulted the Cabinet upon the matter, when some of his colleagues (including the Chancellor of the Exchequer) expressed their disapproval of the course taken in regard to it. But there appears to have been no formal decision of the Cabinet on the question. Lord Palmerston, however, took the responsibility of writing to the parties interested, informing them of the objections made by some of his colleagues, but nevertheless repeating his original promise, and adding that if necessary he should be prepared to submit a vote to the House for the metal. At this juncture Lord Palmerston died, and his ministry was broken up. A year afterwards, the Derby ministry, being appealed to on the subject, resolved to give effect to Lord Palmerston's engagement, upon the faith of which the memorial committee had continued to act. But pursuant to a rule which had been adopted by the Treasury, at the desire of the House of Commons, it was determined to submit a resolution in committee of supply for the grant of the sum of 4,9701., being the value of the gun-metal, to enable the Treasury to purchase it from the War department and present it to the promoters of the memorial. In debating this resolution, the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Gladstone) demurred to the statement that the Palmerston Government had in any way consented to this proceeding, whatever might have been * Ibid. vol. clxx. 605.

▾ Hans. Deb vol. lxxxiii. pp. 86-95.

P.

said or done by Lord Palmerston himself in the matter. But Mr. Disraeli, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, contended that the House would 'not be acting fairly or in a liberal spirit if they took advantage of a petty objection to throw obstacles in the way of carrying out the engagement' made by Lord Palmerston in writing on this subject. Whereupon the vote was agreed to, without further remark.

nications

and

We have next to consider of personal communications Commubetween the sovereign and the members of his Cabinet Council. And in view of the constitutional relationship the Crown which subsists between the king and his ministers it will Cabinet. be appropriate to notice, in this connection, the position of political neutrality which is occupied by the sovereign in his intercourse with all other persons; including those who have the privilege of access to the royal presence, and who may desire to avail themselves of such an opportunity to express to him their own convictions upon questions of public concern."

The official channel of intercourse between the sovereign and the Cabinet Council was formerly a secretary of state, but is now invariably the Prime Minister." It devolves upon this functionary to convey to the sovereign for his approbation all the important conclusions of the Cabinet; and to him the sovereign makes known his decisions thereon. Communications on affairs of state are constantly passing between the sovereign and the Prime Minister. Sometimes the sovereign will address 'the Cabinet' collectively; but usually his official correspondence is conducted exclusively with the Prime Minister, by whom the royal letters are read to, or circulated amongst, his colleagues in the Cabinet. Being confidential papers, they must necessarily be withheld from all other persons; unless by express leave of the king. For,

▾ Hans. Deb. vol. clxxxiv. pp. 1551, 1579, 1605.

For the proceeding necessary on the part of a peer, holding no official rank, to obtain audience with the Sovereign, see ante, vol. i. p. 170.

p.

pp.

с

See ante, pp. 39, 118.

See Edinb. Review, vol. cxxv.
546.

Jesse, Life of Geo. III., vol. iii.
448, 450, 536.

« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »